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Sunday, 6 September 2026

Smuggling Is Not An Industrial Policy for building chips

 


Rajan’s Argument

  • Raghuram Rajan claims semiconductors are easy to smuggle, citing China and Russia’s backdoor chip imports.

  • He suggests India could rely on its diaspora (35M abroad) to procure chips if global supply is denied.

  • He argues fabs are dependent on foreign machines and silicon, so India should reserve “strategic” focus for munitions.

Where He Is Right

  • Manufacturing jobs in India have stagnated.

  • Indian firms often seek protection instead of innovation.

  • India missed the battery and EV transitions due to low R&D spending.

  • Education is underfunded; IITs left to self-finance while mediocre colleges proliferate.

  • Universities should be the industrial policy of the future.

Where His Claim Fails

  • Smuggling is not reliable:

    • Jan 2025: US capped India’s advanced GPU purchases (~50,000 units). No diaspora workaround.

    • Apr 2025: China restricted rare-earth magnet exports, requiring embassy countersignatures. Indian auto industry nearly stalled.

  • Large-scale industries (AI, EVs) cannot depend on suitcase smuggling.

Chips = Munitions

  • Modern munitions rely on semiconductors (missile seekers, drone controllers).

  • Ukraine war shows chip supply = military capability.

  • India has faced technology denial before (Cray supercomputer in 1987, cryogenic engines in 1992) but eventually built its own.

  • Lesson: start building before denial, not after.

Economic Logic

  • Value lies in technology ownership:

    • Apple keeps $450 per iPhone for design/brand.

    • Taiwan earns $150 for chips.

    • India/China earn ~$30 for assembly.

  • India risks repeating pharma’s mistake: world’s pharmacy but dependent on China for 70% of APIs.

The Case for Starting Now

  • Rajan dismisses assembly → manufacturing as too slow (5–15 years).

  • But Korea (Samsung, 1983) and Taiwan (TSMC, 1987) built industries with decades of state backing.

  • Today, US ($52.7B), EU (€43B), China ($47.5B) all fund chip industries. India’s 2021 commitment (₹76,000 crore) is modest in comparison.

  • Delay means falling a decade behind.

Automation Argument

  • Rajan: automation reduces factory jobs.

  • Counterpoint: if machines do the work, profits go to machine-makers (motors, magnets, chips).

  • Fewer jobs ≠ less need for fabs; it strengthens the case for owning technology.

Chips vs Classrooms

  • Rajan frames it as a choice.

  • Reality: India spends ₹1.39 lakh crore annually on education vs ₹76,000 crore on chips spread over years.

  • Both are affordable; money is not the obstacle. Governance and vision are.

Conclusion

  • Rajan is right about India’s weak innovation culture and education gaps.

  • But his reliance on smuggling and diaspora supply is unrealistic.

  • Chips are as strategic as munitions; without them, India risks dependence.

  • Building fabs is slow, but that is the reason to start now, not to delay.

👉 The real danger is treating smuggling as policy. Industrial sovereignty requires R&D, state backing, and long-term investment in both chips and classrooms

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