AN EYE FOR AN EYE MAKE EVERYBODY BLIND: WAY AHEAD TOWARDS CONFLICT RESOLUTION LT GEN(DR) KONSAM HIMALAY SINGH, RETD

 

The New York times dated 8 th May carried a news item related to the events in

Manipur which engulfed the state in an inferno not seen since its merger with

Indian Union in 1949. The news item mentioned about Christian minorities in

the state persecuted by the majority Hindus. I was appalled by the speed and

ferocity of the social media campaigns with very damaging perception of the

image of India as an emerging power, Manipur in particular and North East

India as Ashta Lakshmi . Allegations and counter allegations of various kinds

went viral as the violence spread like a wildfire. Not so well informed experts

also made it a ‘Tribal-non tribal” issue in national TV channels, some even went

to the extent of calling it ethnic cleansing by a particular group. Given the fact

that Christian denomination in the state ( including Meitei Christians) are

actually the majority in the state since only a little over half of the

approximately 16 lac meiteis follow Hinduism today while the Christian

population( including Meitei Christians ) are likely to be over 11 lac. In the

recent clashes most of the non –kuki tribals were clearly not involved in any

manner, thereby negating the tribal-non tribal narrative. The Imphal high

court verdict may have been one of the many triggers , but not by any stretch

of imagination, the cause of the violence which started on 3 may. The inquiry

commission will look into it soon. But the larger question is how do we

proceed from here?

Be that as it may, the loss of life and property of people belonging to Kukis and

meiteis are extremely sad and I strongly condemn any kind of violence

wherever it happened. The continuance of the violence for over a month now,

with the levels of violence raised to full fledged exchange of fire of

sophisticated automatic modern weapons by well trained cadres/so called

volunteers from both the sides, use of mortars, drones, snipers, IED s, walkie

Talkie sets, bullet proof jackets, well coordinated social media campaigns

make it no more a “ a case of communal clashes’ normally seen in other parts

of the country as some indicated. In short it is a situation where many fully

armed and trained to wage war against the established government of the day

are deeply involved. To a few , It is a classic case of a thin line between a “

Law and Order Issue “; ‘Counter- terror operations(CT)’ or ‘operations against

Anti National Elements’(ANE). Often , we are faced with such “ Grey Zones” in

any such scenarios in India or even the world over. The presence of a few

hundred weapons and even fewer cadres in the Kashmir Valley kept the

security forces on full alert for years. Here, in Manipur we have a situation

where many thousands of weapons and lacs of ammunition looted from

police armouries, , another few thousands of weapons already in circulation

among the Peace talks groups , SOO and Non SOO groups, including items

acquired well after the SOO in 2005-2008. In a highly fractured society, in

proximity to a highly unstable neighbourhood, the presence of such quantities

of dangerous weapons mostly in the hands of anti-national elements is

extremely dangerous and is a serious national security threat by all counts.

The drug-lords in the region, the terror groups ,other anti social elements and

inimical elements both within and outside India must be having the last laugh!

The short and long term effects, the tremors of the conflict will be felt for a

number of years if not a few decades. The costs in terms of lives and property

lost will be huge enough. The costs in terms of its effect on the psyche of the

young generations and children in particular will be in calculable indeed. Will

gun culture dominate the fragile minds of the younger generation? Education

of displaced students, healthcare, and other normal human activities will take

time to settle. Banning of internet is already affecting thousands of students

who were aspiring to pursue their education elsewhere in the country. What

will the future of these students be? Pillars of governance will take time even

to stitch up the wear and tear leave alone work towards a holistic and better

future of the people. It will take genuine leadership to refashion an entity like

the Manipur Police as an effective instrument of good governance. The

animosity, the suspicion among the affected communities will take time to

heal. Col James Johnstone, who was the political agent of the British empire in

Manipur during the period prior to the Anglo-Manipur war , an ardent well

wisher of Manipur , in his book ‘ Manipur and Naga Hills” described the

inhabitants of Manipur as-“ All natives of India are suspicious by nature but

this remark applies ten fold force to the Manipuris”. Suspicions bring more and

more rumours , particularly in the times of such a grave crisis. Claims and

counter claims of security machineries having taken sides will need careful

handling. The central security forces were the first and the only responders in

the first week and rescued, fed and took care of over 35,000 displaced people

and ensured that the situation was reasonably well taken care of till the

second phase of violence broke out by third week of the month. The less said

the better in terms of socio-economic costs . The news of three souls who died

in the burning of an ambulance yesterday is bound to grievously hurt the

sentiments for a lifetime to the affected party. And many more brutalities real

or imaginary have seeped into the psyche of the people. I wonder if these dark

memories are what we desire to leave behind for posterity. History will judge

us.

There are , however , hundreds and thousands of peace loving citizenry on

both sides who are presently involved in the welfare of the displaced

population and taking care of their needs, helping the weak and elderly. Many

in and outside of the Government are known to be making honest efforts

towards peace. Many more are also involved directly or indirectly in

perpetrating the violence, instigating violence as well in their false belief to

outdo the other, subdue the other physically and mentally or even taking

revenge as we saw the various waves of violence in recent days. Some do it

purely for their personal agendas by closing their eyes from the real issues or

running away from it, hoping that things will get sorted out on its own sooner

or later. Some are involved in strategizing for their future goals of land and

territory. Well, it is for us to ponder and deliberate whether these efforts to

change history, geography, social fabric and such like activities will fructify in

the future . We have now reached the rock bottom of distrust in all

directions!

The only way to bring about a better situation is dialogue, sanity , forgiveness,

and the will of the silent majority who desire peace. Shri Amit Shah , after

having consulted the state govt and all stake holders announced a series of

measures to begin with. Formation of Peace Committee, Judicial inquiry,

unified command, rehabilitation measures, possible combing operations,

actions to be taken against any violation of SOO agreements and so on. These

were meant to achieve short term objective of cooling down the tempers of

the public at large. The rumour mongers , however, are already spreading lies,

false narratives to nullify well- intentioned beginning of the process of healing

the wounds. It was a welcome change when I read the news of conditional

opening of NH-2 in the front page of Sangai Express dated June 05. I do hope

that a slow and steady positive response will come from all parties. Such a

complex situation, a legacy from 1826 onwards cannot be solved in a day. It

will take time. The Home Minister, after having assessed the ground situation

is expected to carry forward more mid and long term policy measures to bring

about normalcy in the state sooner than later. Balancing the aspirations of all

stake holders in the state is the key to this effort. Issues involved are far too

many and the common people are generally aware of some of these. The

complexities of demands by the ethnic groups are many. A zero sum

approach is unlikely to succeed. Give and take approach and flexibility of ideas

will be the key. People may have to accept reasonable issues without

compromising on the idea of Manipur and suggestions in keeping with

changing times, keeping the state/national interests in mind. All the ethnic

groups big or small are destined to live and survive together emotionally and

under the law of the land. The history and geography compels us to be

together. The effort to exert illegal or illegitimate authority, exert pressure or

control of resources by using illegal money, illegal weapons and such activities

in the garb of identity, self protection/ preservation will not cut ice in the long

run. Issues such as illegal immigrants, over yearly 30000 Cr worth illegal drugs

business , poppy cultivation, SOO activities, governance, land ownership and

developmental issues for all will have to be addressed and strict actions

against law breakers be taken without any delay. The authorities will have to

make it honest and sincere attempts to immediately curb the burning of (is no

alternative to a better all round governance in the long term. Don’t we deserve

it? As we await the unfolding of greater and more measures to bring peace

and take shape on the ground, in the coming days, let us all pray and work

together patiently without resorting to violence. For a Sana leibak where all

can prosper , not at the cost of the other. Each one of us have a stack in

bringing peace . For “ an eye for an eye, makes all of us blind”.

Manipur Crisis: A Complex Threat – II: Home Minister’s Visit & Beyond Maj Gen NITIN P GADKARI-JUN 7

The situation in Manipur is tense. The Home minister’s visit seemed to have some effect. But it is too early to make a statement. The last two articles on Manipur gave the origins and the reasons for the crisis. Both were well received, as Manipur is the burning subject everyone wishes to know. This third piece does some analysis and a bit of crystal ball gazing in light of the Home Minister’s visit. I hope you find it useful. Thank You.

Manipur Crisis: A Complex Threat – II-Home Minister’s Visit & Beyond

The Indian Home Minister, Shri Amit Shah, visited Manipur’s troubled state from 29 May till 01 June 23. The long-awaited visit by a central minister was late in coming. Nevertheless, it was not short on expectations and hope. This is the longest time any Home Minister has visited an Indian state. Four days this time, and he has promised to return in 15 days, allowing time to implement his directions. The duration indicates the seriousness with which the central government now wants to deal with the problem. In the article on the same subject, which came out on 31 May in the IDR online issue, the Origins of the Problem and the security and drugs angle were covered in detail. This piece is more about crystal ball glazing: what is likely to happen in future, including measures to be taken for the situation to make a reversal.

One month and counting, the violence in Manipur has not ceased. Every day a new case of violence comes up. To expect that life would get back to normal in a hurry because the home minister visited the state would be a gross misunderstanding of the situation. Things would take a long time to get to normal as and when they do, provided steps are taken in earnest and in time. The pessimism flows from reality on the ground. The month-long clashes have left a deep divide in Manipur. Unknown and only scantily reported by the mainstream media, there has been a population shift and ethnic cleansing which has occurred in the state of Manipur. The Imphal valley is cleansed of any Kukis and Nagas, especially Kukis. All, including the police personnel of Kuki and Naga origins, have left the valley on some pretext and found safe places in the hill areas. Similarly, the Meitei from the hills have all come down to the valley. In the first two weeks, gangs of Meteis and Kukis were hunting each other in mobs and killing if any rival group member was found. The NH2, a highway which connects Dimapur (Nagaland) to Kohima, wore a deserted look because, in Kangpokpi, which is a border district North of Manipur, Kuki gangs were intercepting all vehicles and lynching any Meitei found on board. That is why this national highway is blocked. The population migration is so severe that it is like a modern times ‘Partition’. The Meitei have become sworn enemies of the other ethnic groups. It is hard to bridge such a deep divide in a short time. The Home Minister must be well aware of this reality and hence come to prevent the situation from falling into an abyss. He has taken many forward-thinking steps. This article examines the measures announced by the home minister and then analyses their implementation.

Home Minister’s Visit

The home minister took five major initiatives to restore peace and normalcy in the state. These were: Restoration of Law & Order in the state, Expedite relief measures, Compensation for families of those killed, Restoring communication, and Counter rumour mongering. These metamorphosed into:

Nine Steps Forward

· A one-member judicial commission led by a retired High Court Judge has been set up to probe into the causes of the recent violence and find the culprits responsible.

· 10 Lakh INR to be paid to the families via DBT (Direct bank Transfer) of those who have lost their lives in the recent violence. For the injured, the state government will announce the package.

· Under the chairmanship of the governor of Manipur, a peace committee has been set up. The members of this committee will be from all walks of life and all communities.

· For better coordination of security agencies in the state, the DG-CRPF (Director General- Central Reserve Police Force) and the state security advisor Kuldip Singh has been given the responsibility for overseeing an Interagency Unified Command.

· CBI will investigate Six selected cases of violence out of the cases registered in FIRs (First Information Report)

· 10 km of Indo-Myanmar border fencing is complete. Tenders for the balance of 80 km will follow shortly. A biometric scan of every foreigner entering India will be data-based to trace miscreants.

· Provisioning 30000 metric tonnes of rice for Manipur in the next two months. Provision for diesel and petrol will be available for people through 15 petrol pumps which would function 24X7. Supply of essential Medicines will be available and can be accessed through medical relief camps.

· Plans for online courts and student competitive exams are being worked out.

· A helicopter service from Moreh, Churachandpur, and Kangpoki would be free for people to enter the Imphal airport.

The home minister met with the representatives of all the affected parties. The Kukis, Nagas, the opposition parties, the members of the security forces, women groups and prominent citizens. He has heard every angle and visited all the troubled spots, such as Churachandpur, Kangpokpi, and Moreh. His initiatives stated above have emerged from these meetings and discussions held.

Important to note; he has not backed the demand for abrogation of the SoO agreement of the state government. Instead, he has appealed to all groups to surrender the looted arms from the police constabulary. On two separate occasions, approx 4000 weapons were looted by rioters. Estimates of recovery suggest recovery of only 18% of arms to date. The SoO (Suspension of Operations) is an old provision signed by the Manmohan Singh government in 2008 with 32 Kuki insurgent groups. Later it became a tripartite agreement when the state government also signed it. As per the agreement, an understanding was reached between the security forces and the insurgent groups that they would cease operations against each other. The insurgent would deposit their arms in a locked-up place with keys held by both the parties (Police and the Insurgent Groups). However, the agreement had a life of only a year and needed an annual renewal. This year in March, N Biren Singh’s government in Manipur unilaterally walked out of this agreement, starting a chain reaction which gained critical mass and exploded on 03 May 23. The situation on the ground has thus got complicated. While the police could fire at the Kukis or other insurgent groups as they are no longer part of the agreement, the paramilitary force, Assam Rifles and the Army are constrained to fire at them due to the SoO agreement unless they are the targets. This ambiguity has led to situations where the army and the Assam Rifles have been accused of not actively pursuing the Kuki Militants attacking the Meitei villages.

Consequences of the Visit

It is too early to judge if the Home Minister’s initiatives are bearing fruits. Also, to what extent are they implementable? There is no denying that the measure suggested is positive and would yield results if implemented in letter and spirit. Also, a new DGP is named: Mr Rajiv Singh. An officer of the Tripura cadre, he was DGP Tripura and now moved and given the charge of Manipur. The home minister has made it clear to the ten Hill Council MLAs who were demanding a separate state of the Hill Areas that the integrity of Manipur would not be compromised. Hence, do not pursue it.

Would the a/m nine steps solve the problem? ‘Optimistic’ would be the word that would come to mind. The state government and the committees must work with the leaders who call the shots. Their first priority would be bringing normalcy back to Manipur and sustaining it. Two questions need answers at this stage: Who benefits from the violence, and what is the desired end state? And second: what measures to take to fill the trust deficit?

Tackling the first one first; who benefits from the violence? It is hard to pinpoint individuals, but they can be shortlisted as a class. First are the people who do not want the rule of law to prevail in the state, so they benefit from the chaos. Most of this class are the Leaders of Insurgent groups, Drug cartel bosses, and Political leaders who want power to themselves. They unleash the miscreants to do their bidding by resorting to violence and sacrificing peace and innocent citizens on the altar. The second question which flows from this is, what is the end state desired? Is it separation from India, is it more money, or is it more power? From analysing the Manipur conundrum, the desired end state could be a mix of more power and money. The power is now concentrated in the hands of the state government, seen as a Meitei government. Many Tribal groups want that power to be shared by seeking something for themselves. Making independent Hill Area councils is one such measure. Some may demand a separate state or an autonomous region. These demands were presented to the home minister this time, as also many times earlier. The demand for separation or autonomy is not linked with better governance and winding up corruption, for that would continue. It is because an autonomous status allows the direct flow of funds from Delhi to their coffers and not routed via Imphal. It is the second link of the ‘Power and Money’ equation.

The Indian government is wise to understand the nefarious desires of these parties and hence unlikely to give in to the demands for autonomy. Yet, reorganising the hill areas and giving them more powers within the state’s constitution is a distinct possibility. Also, the conduct of fresh elections and allowing new aspirants to run the hill councils would be foremost on the home minister’s mind. The menace of poppy cultivation is at the root of this problem. To stop it and find another source of cash crops for the hill farmers would be a precondition for any fresh initiative.

One suspects that the home minister’s visit is not the end of such initiatives but only the beginning. Since the writ of the state government has weakened in the wake of the riots, it would be up to the security forces and peace committees to bring normalcy through the measures announced by the home minister. The next visit of the home minister can then be followed up by a new set of initiatives like the one suggested in the para above. The peace committee and the latest security set-up must ensure an end to destruction and violence. Only then the Sadbhavna operations can be launched. That is making the various ethnic groups trust each other and get back to the status quo ante. The second stage is tough to achieve and requires management of the highest order.

Way Out of the Mess

All concerned parties, including the central government, understand the complexity of the issue at hand which they are dealing with in Manipur. The saving grace in this crisis has been the patience and courage of many sensible citizens cutting across ethnic lines. There are instances of Kuki women sheltering Meitei women folk from armed gangs in Churachandpur, and the next day Meitei women saving Kuki women at Manipur University. The fine example of former world boxing champion: Sarita Devi sheltering Kuki boys in the boxing training academy is noteworthy. Also, the Naga groups’ passivity in Nagaland and north Manipur has been a blessing. To imagine, Manipur burning at both ends would be a national emergency. The Meitei’s armed gangs did not target Naga s in the current violence. Security forces safely escorted Most of them out of the valley to their respective villages. Learning from this experience, the use of good books of Nagaland and their leaders could be starting point to rein in the militant elements of the Kuki organisations. Down south, too, Mizoram bravely accepted Kukis fleeing Manipur and gave them shelter without raising a red flag. Their good books could be used too to rein in Kuki hostile groups. The central government is better positioned to achieve this than the state government. The North East council, which has in its fold all the CMs of the eight states in North East (Seven Sisters plus Sikkim), also could be a body to discuss and bring warring factions together. The above-mentioned bodies can help normalise the situation, for which bringing down violence and sustaining peace is mandatory.

The government of India has to look for a long-term solution to these ethnic differences in the North Eastern states. They have surfaced in Manipur and might surface in another state like Nagaland or Mizoram tomorrow. A sure way to create a long-term permanent solution is to intertwine the economies of the hill people and the valley of Manipur. If one community is affected, the other community cannot escape its consequences. Interlinking economic spheres is essential. For, e.g. the Kuki s and Naga tribal leaders, by tradition, have the right to donate land to their people or outsiders within their domain. This factor resulted in a proliferation of new settlements and farming areas in the Hill Areas. Should the state government have taken the initiative and announced certain benefits such as subsidised electricity or free telephone landline services to settlements beyond a population figure of a certain number which is substantial and large, it would incentivise the tribal chiefs to accommodate more in one settlement to reach that magic figure. This example is hypothetical, and more thought needs to be given to the economic aspects of such initiatives. The point is to create economic incentives to solve complex ethnic problems. The central government can help, but the execution has to be the baby of the state governments, and hence choosing capable leaders is an essential need for the Northeast.

The home minister’s visit is an effort to douse the fire and bridge the broken relationships. The state’s future is at stake, not allowing it to fall into the hands of elements who benefit from a common man’s loss. The incentive for the evil side is substantial; if they win, they become the kings of a disturbed state with more money and power. But an ordinary citizen of Manipur will lose his peace and his life. The conflict is not about religion. It is about exploiting differences between people. It does not matter what they are. Any difference would do if it could cause a disturbance. Every peace-loving Manipuri in the majority must understand and stop his brethren from being exploited on both sides of the divide. But charity must begin at home. It’s for the BJP chief minister to show if his last election victory was any consequence for the people of Manipur or if it was only a ploy in the large power politics of the country

Manipur Crisis : A Complex Threat - II-Maj Gen Nitin Gadkari

Manipur Crisis: A Complex Threat - II

Security Implications

Security in the Northeast cannot be looked at in isolation from any particular state. The history of the North East from the Indian independence is full of strife and insurgent movements. There is an insurgency in all seven states of the northeast. The reasons can be traced to the British, who gave these states the status of ‘Excluded Areas’, giving them a belief that they were not inclusive of the Indian identity. When the British left India, giving independence in 1947, these areas expected to get autonomous status, if not complete independence. Nothing like that happened, and they were all made inclusive of the Indian Union. This inclusion caused heartburn in many politicians and activists in these states. They demanded independence, and when it was not forthcoming, they resorted to violence to secure their political aims. Consequent to the British legacy, insurgent groups in all seven states asked for either independence or autonomy. The oldest amongst them are the Naga insurgent groups. Mr Phizo formed the NNC (Naga National Council) in 1946, even before Indian independence.

At one time, 70 big and small rebel groups were active across the seven sister states. Out of the seven states, three states: Meghalaya, Assam, and Tripura, border Bangladesh, and the other four border Myanmar. Today a mere 15 are involved in insurgent activities. Understanding the role of the two neighbouring countries named above is essential. When 15 out of the 70-odd groups were banned by the government of India, declaring them unlawful or terrorist organisations, their cadres took shelter in bases in either Myanmar or Bangladesh or both. Noteworthy was the ability of the insurgent groups operating in these states to align with each other against a common enemy: the Indian state and the Indian security forces. This alignment resulted in sharing each other’s bases, providing information and the ability to operate in each other’s areas, thus making quick getaways after strikes. While the ULFA (United Liberation Front of Asom) could operate from Arunachal Pradesh to bases in Bangladesh, NSCN- Issac Muivah & Khaplang (National Socialist Council for Nagaland -IM &K) operated seamlessly from North Sagaing district in Myanmar through the border across Manipur, Mizoram, Tripura into Bangladesh. They strongly connected with the PLA (People Liberation Army) and the UNLF (United National Liberation Front), both Manipur-based groups. For the sake of brevity of the article, the bases and the insurgent groups operating from Bangladesh will not be discussed any further. Because the ULFA is no more a force, and its leaders are in Jail. So is the case with insurgent groups in Meghalaya and Tripura. By 2017 it was declared by the Border Security Forces of both nations; there was no more presence of Indian insurgent groups inside Bangladesh. This victory is due to India’s excellent relations with the Bangladesh government under Sheikh Hasina Wazed in the last ten years.

Map of Myanmar showing the regions bordering India’s North East

The security concerns for all states bordering Myanmar remain a cause for worry, despite India’s attempt to improve ties with Myanmar. Since 2010 India has improved its ties with Myanmar, the military government or the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi. These efforts led to cooperation between the two militaries, and pressure from both sides resulted in the insurgent groups either dissipating or going deeper inside Myanmar. One of the examples of the joint operation was ‘Operation Sunrise’ in 2015. It was reflected in reducing violent incidence in border states from 2012 onwards. (Refer to Table 1 at the end of the article) This decline was attributed to better cooperation between the two militaries of India and Myanmar.

The open border with Myanmar (16 Km of the border between the two countries was open and allowed free access to the population on either side. This limit now stands annulled due to the problems in Myanmar) has contributed to the ethnic strife in all the border states in India which border Myanmar. The problems persisted as persecution of minorities in Myanmar brought an influx of refugees into India. The reverse was also true of migration from India during times of strife. The civil population, caught between the crossfire of the security forces and the insurgent groups, found shelter in safe camps across the borders. It is alleged that the influx of refugees has changed the demographic structure in the hill districts in India, especially after the military coup in Myanmar in 2021. Since then, many refugees have crossed the border into India and Bangladesh. Most of them have found shelter in the hill districts. This migration has caused the current strife in Manipur. The Meitei allege that the new refugees, under pressure from the Kuki-Zomis and Nagas of the hill district, are encroaching on their land in the valley and the forests. The land, therefore, has become the prime reason for the dispute. They also allege that on the encroached land thrives crops of poppy which are used to make drugs.

However, the recent military coup in February 2021 in Myanmar has resulted in a setback. Border management has suffered as civil war rages inside Myanmar. Many new EAOs (Ethnic Armed Organisations) have surfaced to fight the Myanmar military junta (Tatmadaw). These are now called PDFs (People’s Defence Forces). The Tatmadaw is stretched and fatigued leaving little space to fight the insurgency on their borders or destroy camps existing on Myanmar’s soil near the Indian border. Couple this with the fact that there is a common ethnic bond between the Kuki-Zomi and Naga tribes in Myanmar and those in India; any retaliation against these ethnic tribes in Myanmar sends hordes of refugees into the Indian hill states of Manipur and Nagaland. When insurgency was at its zenith, most Manipur-based groups had their bases close to the Manipur border inside Myanmar in South Saigaing districts because connectivity and infrastructure at the Manipur border were better than in other places. If the current violence in Manipur has escalated, an outside hand is an obvious guess. The evil hand could have come from the old cadres of the Manipuri insurgents’ groups in Myanmar, seeking action in Manipur to up the ante. Since the violence is ethnic in colour, the chances that some of these elements belong to the Kuki-Zomi or Naga insurgent groups cannot be ruled out. Time and again, as peace returns to the strife-torn state, a new violent incident comes to light, and the perpetrators are unknown entities.

There are equal numbers of Meitei-dominated rebel groups (PLA, UNLF, PREPAK (P)) as there are Kuki-Zomi and Naga groups (KUKI-ZOMI National Front, Manipur Naga Revolutionary Front (MNRF)) rebel groups in Manipur. Earlier, they had shared an amicable equation with each other and the NSCN (IM & K) groups. It is hard to guess their current orientation towards the latest violence in Manipur. There would be no reason to believe that the insurgent groups would start an ethnic war in Manipur now. With insurgency ebbing in the region, their first priority would be regrouping and preparing for a long battle with the Indian state.

Drugs Trade

The Golden Triangle

If the direction of the high court to the state government to take up a case for the Meiteis to be included in the Schedule Tribe List with the Centre was a trigger, the primary explosive was in the drive of the Manipur government to clear the illegal occupation of the Reserve Forests (RF) and the Protected Forests (PF). For long, the Manipur government has been jostling with the tribes in the Hills to vacate forest land under illegal occupation. Having given orders and multiple warnings, the government ultimately acted. The story behind the state government’s adamant stand on illegal occupation is rooted in the drug trade flourishing in North East and Manipur.

Readers may be aware of the ‘Golden Triangle’, a three-point hub in South East Asia that thrives in drug trade like opium and brown sugar. At the apex of this triangle are Myanmar, Thailand, and Laos.

Raw opium from Poppy plantations in northern Myanmar would transport mule loads of opium to transit points near the border with Thailand and Laos. From there on, the opium moves to many destinations across South East Asia and other places. Opium also flowed into India through the porous border, and it became a profitable business as many youths were frustrated due to the lack of opportunities and took to drugs. Mizoram, Manipur and Nagaland youth were the first in line and became habitual consumers. As mentioned earlier, the border routes from Myanmar concentrated more towards Manipur due to better road infrastructure. The border town of Moreh in Manipur became the exchange hub for the drug trade. It was here in December 2021 that 500 crores of drugs were seized from a house in Moreh from a Myanmarese drug trafficker. However, much before this seizure, due to the disturbed situation in Myanmar, the drug lords encouraged poppy production inside India on the hills of Manipur and Nagaland, where the farmers sought cash crops for sustenance. Poppy proved to be the ideal bet. The refugees from Myanmar found a living in poppy cultivation in the forest areas. Most of these cultivations were illegal. It was a double whammy for Manipur authorities. It increased drug usage among its youth and led to illegal poppy cultivation. The golden triangle was getting extended into the Indian North East. Manipur from ‘Receiver’ became a ‘Producer’ of opium and brown sugar. The Churachandpur district in the southern tracts of Manipur was the worst drug-affected area. Churachandpur was where the violence started first in Manipur on 03 May 23.

Another effect of drug abuse was increased HIV cases due to infected syringes. Manipur houses 0.24% population of the country but has 8% of the total HIV cases. The BJP government of Manipur launched a ‘War on Drugs’ drive in 2018. In this fight elimination of poppy cultivation was an essential step. According to government statistics, 14,135 acres of illicit poppy cultivation were destroyed in the hills from 2017 to 2021. The seizure of forest land has to be viewed in light of this development in Manipur. When the government’s drive took away the easy cash crop alternatives from the poppy cultivators, they opposed it, resorting to demonstration and violence. They argued that the Manipur government legislation of removing illegal occupation of forest land passed in their assembly violated the correct procedure, as it should have met the approval of the Manipur Hill Area Committee council as per the Schedule Matters of Article 371- C of the Presidential order of 1972. The war on drugs was an election promise of Chief Minister Biren Singh in 2017. The implementation of the promise has come to haunt him. Such a predicament of the Chief Minister indicates the complex and sensitive issues that haunt the state. It is hard to do a balancing act.

Conclusion

Manipur violence from 03 May 23  has bucked the trend of reduction in violence in the North East. It has seriously threatened the state government, the central government, and the security forces. If the history of insurgency in the state is any measure to go by, the situation is grievous now. It is on the cusp of exploding once again. It is a cauldron in which all the explosives elements are brewing simultaneously. The ethnic differences between the Meiteis and the Hill tribes: Kuki-Zomi and the Nagas. The scheduled tribe status to the Meiteis, the removal of illegal occupation of forest land, the stoppage of poppy cultivation on the hills and the inability to provide an alternative to earning through cleaner cash crops. The influx of refugees from a civil war-torn Myanmar state. The lurking presence of old insurgent groups waiting to take advantage, the refugee outflow into neighbouring states. Finally, opportunist politicians waiting to grab power by creating violence. All these are explosive elements simmering in the Manipur cauldron. When it reaches critical mass and explodes, is anyone’s guess? It requires deft handling and concerted efforts of all parties interested in peace in Manipur to bring the temperature down. If their number is more than that inciting violence, Manipur has a hope for peace. But if this number dwindles, bad times will await this beautiful state.

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मणिपूरमध्ये हिंसाचार ,मैतेई समाजाला अनुसूचित जमातीचा दर्जा,अतिक्रमणविरोध...

अतिक्रमणविरोधी कारवाई

मणिपूरमध्ये हिंसाचार ?

मैतेई समाजाला अनुसूचित जमातीचा दर्जा देण्याच्या हालचालींचे निमित्त झाले आणि मणिपूरमध्ये हिंसाचाराचा वणवा पेटला. मात्र, या हिंसाचाराची बिजे गेल्या काही वर्षांपासून पेरली गेली. ती कशी, हे पाहायला हवे.

मैतेई आरक्षण प्रकरण काय आहे?

मणिपूरमध्ये ३४ अनुसूचित जमाती आहेत. त्यातील बहुतांश नागा आणि कुकी समुदायांतील आहेत. राज्यात बहुसंख्येने म्हणजे सुमारे ६४ टक्के लोकसंख्या असलेल्या मैतेई समाजाला अनुसूचित जमातीचा दर्जा हवा आहे. ही मागणी तशी जुनीच. पण, उच्च न्यायालयाच्या ताज्या निर्णयामुळे आरक्षणाचा मुद्दा पुन्हा चर्चेत आला. मैतेईंच्या मागणीबाबत चार आठवड्यांत उचित निर्णय घ्यावा, असे निर्देश उच्च न्यायालयाने १९ एप्रिल रोजी राज्य सरकारला दिले होते. त्यावर कार्यवाही होण्याआधीच ‘ऑल ट्रायबल स्टुडंट्स युनियन ऑफ मणिपूर’ या संघटनेने बुधवारी मोर्चा काढला. त्यास हिंसक वळण लागले.

 

मैतेई आणि कुकींचे म्हणणे काय?

सन १९४९ मध्ये मणिपूर संस्थान भारतात विलीन होण्याआधी आपल्याला अनुसूचित जमातीचा दर्जा होता. मात्र, विलिनीकरणानंतर तो संपुष्टात आला, असे मैतेईंचे म्हणणे आहे. कोणत्याही घटनात्मक संरक्षणाअभावी मैतेई समाजाची पीछेहाट होत असल्याचा दावा याचिकेत करण्यात आला होता. म्यानमार आणि बांगलादेशातून मोठ्या प्रमाणात होणाऱ्या बेकायदा स्थलांतराचा फटका आपल्याला बसत असल्याचेही मैतेई समाजाचे म्हणणे आहे. मात्र, मैतेई समाजाला अनुसूचित जमातीचा दर्जा देण्यास कुकीसह अन्य आदिवासी समुदायांचा विरोध आहे. राज्यात बहुसंख्येने असलेल्या मैतेई समाजाचे राज्याच्या विधानसभेत ६० पैकी ४० लोकप्रतिनिधी आहेत. दुसरे म्हणजे, बहुसंख्येने हिंदू असलेल्या मैतेईतील अनुसूचित जाती आणि ओबीसींना आधीच आरक्षण लागू आहे. त्यामुळे मैतेईंना अनुसूचित जमातीचा दर्जा देण्याच्या हालचाली म्हणजे राज्यात त्यांचे पूर्ण वर्चस्व निर्माण करण्याची तजवीज असल्याचा कुकींचा आरोप आहे.

 

अतिक्रमणविरोधी कारवाईमुळे भडका?

राज्यात फेब्रुवारीमध्ये सुरू केलेल्या अतिक्रमणविरोधी कारवाईपासून असंतोष धुमसत आहे. चुराचंदपूर जिल्ह्यात कुकी-पैतेई-झोमी समाजाच्या वस्त्यांवरील कारवाई ही आणखी एक ठिणगी ठरली. कुकी समाजाचे प्राबल्य असलेल्या जिल्ह्यांत ११ एप्रिल रोजी न्यायालयाच्या आदेशानंतर सरकारने काही चर्चवर कारवाई केली होती. वन आणि पर्यावरण संरक्षणाच्या नावाखाली आपल्याला हुसकावून लावण्याचा प्रयत्न होत असून, मैतेई समाज या जमिनी बळकावणार असल्याची भीती कुकी समाजाला आहे. याआधी राखीव, संरक्षित वनांचे सर्वेक्षण आणि आदिवासींवरील अतिक्रमण कारवाईला कुकींनी विरोध दर्शविला होता. २८ एप्रिल रोजी ‘इंडिजिनस ट्रायबल लीडर्स फोरम’ने चुराचंदपूर जिल्ह्यात आठ तासांचा बंद पाळला होता.

 

मुख्यमंत्री बिरेन सिंह लक्ष्य का?

मणिपूरमधील हिंसाचार हा दोन समुदायांतील गैरसमजामुळे झाल्याचा दावा मुख्यमंत्री एन. बिरेन सिंह यांनी केला आहे. मात्र, या परिस्थितीवरून बिरेन सिंह हेच टीकेचे धनी ठरले आहेत. ते आदिवासीविरोधी धोरणे राबवत असल्याचा आरोप आहे. इम्फाळमधील अनेक दशके जुनी चर्च पाडण्याबरोबरच बहुतांश आदिवासी वस्त्यांच्या जमिनी राखीव वनजमिनी जाहीर करून बिरेन सिंह यांनी आदिवासींना लक्ष्य केल्याचा आरोप आहे. बिरेन सिंह यांचे सरकार आदिवासींना त्यांच्या हक्कापासून डावलण्यासाठी त्यांच्यावर निर्वासित असल्याचा शिक्का मारत असल्याचा आरोप आहे. गेल्या मार्च महिन्यात बिरेन सरकारने कुकी-झोमी गटांबरोबरील शांतता करार मोडित काढला. त्याबाबतही या समुदायांत नाराजी होती. बिरेन सिंह यांच्या कार्यपद्धतीवर सत्ताधारी भाजपच्याच काही आमदारांनी वेळोवेळी नाराजी व्यक्त केली आहे. सध्याचा हिंसाचार रोखण्यातही राज्य सरकार कमी पडल्याचे या आमदारांचे म्हणणे आहे.

 

मणिपूरमध्ये शांतता प्रस्थापित कधी होईल?

मणिपूरच्या खोऱ्यात राहणारा मैतेई समाज आणि डोंगराळ भागात राहणाऱ्या कुकीसह अन्य आदिवासी जमातींमधील संघर्ष जुना आहे. आदिवासी वस्त्यांमध्ये अतिक्रमणविरोधी कारवाई, आरक्षण, प्रादेशिक असमतोल, शांतता करार आदी मुद्यांवरून या संघर्षात भर पडली. तो कमी करून हिंसाचार रोखण्यासाठी राज्याचे नेतृत्व कमी पडल्याचे स्पष्ट दिसते. बिरेन सिंह हे बहुसंख्याक तुष्टीकरणाचे धोरण राबवितात, असा आरोप उघडपणे होऊ लागला आहे. त्यांनी सामंजस्याची भूमिका घेतली नाही तर राज्यात असंतोष कमी होण्याची शक्यता नाही. शिवाय, शांतता करार आणि आरक्षणाचा मुद्दाही निकालात काढावा लागेल.

मोरेह... ये दिल मांगे मोर- भारताचे ‘ऍक्ट ईस्ट’ धोरण नॉर्थ ईस्ट म्हणजेच पूर्वांचलाशिवाय पूर्ण होऊ शकत नाही -अनय जोगळेकर

पाच दिवसांच्या अवधीत मेघालयमधील डावकी येथील भारत-बांगलादेश आणि मणिपूरमधील मोरेह येथील भारत-म्यानमार सीमेवर जाऊन आलो. मोरेहहून म्यानमारमध्ये ५ किमी आत वसलेल्या तामु या शहरापर्यंत पासपोर्ट आणि व्हिसाशिवाय जाता येते. बांगलादेशात तसे जाता येत नसले तरी भारत-नेपाळ आणि बांगलादेश यांच्यात झालेल्या मोटारवाहन करारानुसार परमिट असलेले ट्रक सीमापार ये-जा करू लागले आहेत. या करारात म्यानमारचा समावेश करण्यासाठी भारत प्रयत्नशील आहे. मोरेहमध्ये उभे राहिल्यास कोलकात्यापेक्षा मंडाले आणि यांगून जवळ आहेत; दिल्लीपेक्षा बँकॉक जवळ आहे आणि मुंबईपेक्षा व्हिएतनामची राजधानी हनोई आणि कंबोडियाची राजधानी फ्नॉमपेन्ह जवळ आहे. मोरेहहून म्यानमारमध्ये प्रवेश करून तेथील बाजाराला भेट देणे हा एक विलक्षण अनुभव होता.

भारताचे ‘ऍक्ट ईस्ट’ धोरण नॉर्थ ईस्ट म्हणजेच पूर्वांचलाशिवाय पूर्ण होऊ शकत नाही, याचा प्रत्यय गेल्या आठवड्यात एक पर्यटक म्हणून मेघालय आणि मणिपूरला दिलेल्या पहिल्याच भेटीत आला. पाच दिवसांच्या अवधीत मेघालयमधील डावकी येथील भारत-बांगलादेश आणि मणिपूरमधील मोरेह येथील भारत-म्यानमार सीमेवर जाऊन आलो. मोरेहहून म्यानमारमध्ये ५ किमी आत वसलेल्या तामु या शहरापर्यंत पासपोर्ट आणि व्हिसाशिवाय जाता येते. बांगलादेशात तसे जाता येत नसले तरी भारत-नेपाळ आणि बांगलादेश यांच्यात झालेल्या मोटारवाहन करारानुसार परमिट असलेले ट्रक सीमापार ये-जा करू लागले आहेत. या करारात म्यानमारचा समावेश करण्यासाठी भारत प्रयत्नशील आहे. मोरेहमध्ये उभे राहिल्यास कोलकात्यापेक्षा मंडाले आणि यांगून जवळ आहेत; दिल्लीपेक्षा बँकॉक जवळ आहे आणि मुंबईपेक्षा व्हिएतनामची राजधानी हनोई आणि कंबोडियाची राजधानी फ्नॉमपेन्ह जवळ आहे. मोरेहहून म्यानमारमध्ये प्रवेश करून तेथील बाजाराला भेट देणे हा एक विलक्षण अनुभव होता. या बाजारात अनेक दशकांपूर्वी म्यानमारमध्ये स्थायिक झालेल्या नेपाळी, बिहारी, बंगाली, दक्षिण भारतीय तसेच म्यानमारच्या दुकानदारांशी भेट होते. चीन, बांगलादेश आणि थायलंडमध्ये बनलेल्या कपडे, पर्स, इलेक्ट्रॉनिक्स इ. वस्तू आपल्याकडे त्यांच्या असलेल्या किमतीच्या जवळपास अर्ध्या किमतीत मिळतात. त्याचबरोबर सोलापुरी चादरी, भारतातील बिस्किटं, चॉकलेटं आणि अन्य उत्पादनेही मोठ्या प्रमाणावर मिळतात. दोन दिवस म्यानमारमध्ये जाताना सीमेवर मला कोणी माझे ओळखपत्रंही विचारले नसले तरी इम्फाळहून मोरेहला जाताना रस्त्यात दोन ठिकाणी तेथे तैनात असलेल्या सैनिकांकडून थांबवून गाडीची नोंद करण्यात आली. ओळखपत्रं आणि येताना सामानाचीही कसून तपासणी झाली. गेल्या पाच दशकांपासून फुटीरतावाद्यांचा दहशतवाद आणि आर्थिक नाकाबंदींमुळे धुमसत असलेल्या मणिपूरमध्ये या वर्षीच्या मार्च महिन्यात भाजपचे सरकार बनल्यापासून शांतता आणि स्थैर्य नांदू लागले आहे. ठिकठिकाणी लष्कर आणि अर्धसैनिकी दलांच्या तैनातीमुळे वातावरणात तणाव जाणवत असला तरी पर्यटक आणि गुंतवणूकदारांसाठी मणिपूरचे दरवाजे उघडू लागले आहेत.

मणिपूर राज्य खेळाच्या एका विशाल स्टेडियमप्रमाणे आहे. राज्याच्या मध्यभागी पठारी प्रदेश असून त्याला चहूबाजूंनी असंख्य डोंगररांगांनी वेढले आहे. आकारमानाने १० टक्के असलेल्या पठारी प्रदेशात राज्याची ६५ टक्के लोकसंख्या राहाते, तर ९० टक्के पहाडी प्रदेशात केवळ १० टक्के लोकसंख्या राहाते. स्टेडियमची उपमा चपखल बसायचे आणखी एक कारण म्हणजे मुष्टियोद्धे मेरी कोम, डिंगको सिंह आणि देवेंद्र सिंह, वेटलिफ्टर मीराबाई चानू आणि कुंजराणी देवी मणिपूरचेच. १७ वर्षांखालील विश्वचषक फुटबॉल स्पर्धेसाठी निवड झालेल्या भारतीय संघातील २१ पैकी तब्बल ८ खेळाडू या महाराष्ट्रातील दोन जिल्ह्यांच्या आकाराच्या राज्यातून येतात. एक प्राचीन राज्य म्हणून सुमारे २००० वर्षांचा इतिहास तर आधुनिक राज्य म्हणून ४५ वर्षांचे वर्तमान असलेल्या मणिपूरची अर्ध्याहून अधिक लोकसंख्या मैतेयी समाजाची आणि प्रामुख्याने हिंदू आहे, तर बाकीच्या लोकसंख्येत नागा, मिझो, कुकी, काबुई इ. अनुसूचित जाती-जमातींचा समावेश असून त्यांच्यात ख्रिस्ती, हिंदू, बौद्ध, ज्यू आणि निसर्गपूजकांचा समावेश आहे. ख्रिस्ती धर्माबाबत बोलायचे तर मणिपूरच्या पहाडी भागात १०० वेगवेगळ्या पंथांची चर्च कार्यरत आहेत. या गटांचे परस्परांशी असलेले संबंध आणि या सगळ्यांचे मिळून भारत सरकारशी असलेले संबंध आजवर तणावपूर्ण राहिले आहेत. मणिपूरमध्ये सुमारे ४५ फुटीरतावादी गट कार्यरत आहेत. त्यात एकीकडे बहुसंख्य मैतेयी समाजातील भारतापासून स्वतंत्र होण्यासाठी लढणार्‍या गटांपासून ते नागा, कुकी आणि अन्य अनुसूचित जमातींमधील मैतेयींच्या वर्चस्वाविरोधात उभे ठाकून स्वातंत्र्य, स्वायत्तता किंवा विशाल नागालँडची मागणी करणारे गटही आहेत. मणिपूरमध्ये आजवर झालेल्या हिंसाचारात पाच हजारांहून अधिक लोकांना प्राण गमवावे लागले आहेत. पूर्वांचलच्या विकासाकडे आजवर झालेले दुर्लक्ष आणि फुटीरतावादी चळवळीमुळे मणिपूरची खुंटलेली प्रगती एक पर्यटक म्हणून फिरतानाही सहज नजरेस पडते. इम्फाळमध्ये सिमेंट-कॉंक्रिटच्या आधुनिक इमारतींची वानवा जाणवते. सर्वत्र लाल विटा आणि पत्र्यांची घरं आणि इमारती दृष्टीस पडतात. चांगल्या हॉटेलांची संख्या एका हाताच्या बोटावर मोजण्याइतकी असून पर्यटकांसाठी विकसित केलेल्या पायाभूत सुविधांचाही अभाव आहे. सर्वत्र असलेल्या धुळीमुळे सामान्य लोकही नाक-तोंड झाकून फिरतात.

असे असले तरी मणिपुरी लोकांचा साधेपणा आणि स्वभावातील गोडवा तुमची मनं जिंकतो. पठारी प्रदेशाची भव्यता, सुपीक जमीन आणि पाण्याची मुबलक उपलब्धता बघून हा प्रदेश पूर्वांचलचे धान्याचे कोठार बनू शकतो याची जाणीव होते. डोंगररांगांतील श्वास रोखणारे सृष्टीसौंदर्य, जैविक तसेच सांस्कृतिक विविधतेमुळे जगभरातल्या पर्यटकांना आकृष्ट करण्याची क्षमता असलेल्या मणिपूरला भारतीय पर्यटकही तुरळक संख्येने भेट देतात, याची खंत वाटते. ‘लुक ईस्ट’ धोरण अंगिकारून २५ वर्षं झाली असली तरी पूर्वांचलला आसियान देशांशी जोडण्याच्या योजनेत सदोष नियोजन आणि अंमलबजावणीतील त्रुटींमुळे अपेक्षित परिणामसाध्य झाला नाही. या पार्श्वभूमीवर मोदी सरकारचा बहुआयामी दृष्टिकोन ठळकपणे उठून दिसतो. यामध्ये पूर्वांचलातील राज्यांचा आणि राज्यातील विविध गटांमध्ये संवाद आणि समन्वय प्रस्थापित करणे, त्यांना सत्तेत भागीदारी देणे, परराष्ट्र राज्यमंत्री जनरल व्ही. के. सिंह यांच्याकडे पूर्वांचल विकासाचा विशेष कार्यभार सोपवणे, पूर्वांचलला वेढणार्‍या आणि सार्क गटाचा भाग असलेल्या ‘बीबीआयएन’ म्हणजेच भारत, बांगलादेश, भूतान आणि नेपाळ अशा उपगटाची निर्मिती करून या प्रदेशाच्या एकात्मिक विकासास प्राधान्य देणे; पूर्वांचल तसेच शेजारी राष्ट्रांमध्ये रस्ते, वीज, रेल्वे आणि हवाई वाहतूक इ. क्षेत्रांतील पायाभूत सुविधा विकासात मोठी गुंतवणूक तसेच पूर्वांचलात पर्यटन आणि थेट परकीय गुंतवणुकीच्या वाढीसाठी प्रयत्न अशी त्याची वैशिष्ट्ये आहेत. २१-२२ नोव्हेंबरला परराष्ट्र मंत्रालय आणि इंडिया फाऊंडेशनच्या संयुक्त विद्यमाने इम्फाळमध्ये पूर्वांचल विकास परिषदेचे आयोजन करण्यात आले होते. परिषदेचे उद्घाटन राष्ट्रपती रामनाथ कोविंद यांनी केले. या परिषदेला पूर्वांचलातील ८ राज्यांचे मुख्यमंत्री किंवा त्यांचे प्रतिनिधी, केंद्र सरकारमधील वरिष्ठ मंत्री, आसियान देशांचे शिष्टमंडळ आणि खाजगी क्षेत्राच्या प्रतिनिधींनी उपस्थिती लावली. नागरी उड्डयन राज्यमंत्री जयंत सिन्हा यांनी ’उडान २’ योजनेअंतर्गत मोरेहसह पूर्वांचलातील ४ वापरात नसलेल्या विमानतळांचा विकास करण्यासोबतच ९२ नवीन हवाई सेवा सुरू करण्याचे जाहीर केले. इम्फाळला आंतरराष्ट्रीय विमानतळाचा दर्जा दिला असून सध्या मंडालेपर्यंत चार्टर्ड स्वरूपात सुरू असलेल्या हवाई सेवेचा म्यानमारमधील यांगून आणि नॅपिडॉ आणि थायलंडमधील चिआंगमाई आणि बँकॉकपर्यंत विस्तार करण्याची योजना आहे.

सिलिगुडीतून जाणार्‍या चिकन्स नेक कॉरिडॉरला पर्याय म्हणून उभा राहात असलेला; कोलकाता आणि मिझोरामला समुद्र, नदी आणि रस्त्याद्वारे जोडणारा कालादान बहुमार्गी प्रकल्प भारतासाठी परदेशातील पायाभूत सुविधा क्षेत्रातील सर्वात मोठी गुंतवणूक असली तरी चुकीचे नियोजन, लालफितशाही आणि म्यानमारमधील स्थानिकांच्या विरोधामुळे हा प्रकल्प रखडला आहे. जून २०१७मध्ये इकॉन कंपनीला मिझोरामसीमेवरील झोरिनपुई ते कालादान नदीवरील पलेट्वा टर्मिनल यांना जोडणारा १०९ किमी रस्ता बांधायचे कंत्राट मिळाले असले तरी पर्यावरणविषयक परवानग्यांमुळे कामाला सुरूवात व्हायची आहे. दरम्यानच्या काळात भारताने खोलीकरण केलेल्या नदीपात्रात पुन्हा गाळ जमा झाला आहे. दुसरीकडे मोरेह सीमेपासून सुरू होत असलेल्या भारत-म्यानमार मैत्री रस्त्याला जोडणार्‍या कालेवा-यारगी रस्त्याच्या बांधकामाचे कंत्राट राष्ट्रीय महामार्ग विकास प्राधिकरणाने सप्टेंबर २०१७मध्ये जारी केले असून त्या कामाला या महिन्यात सुरूवात होईल, अशी अपेक्षा आहे. या शिवाय मैत्री रस्त्यावरील ब्रिटिशकालीन ८० पूलांच्या दुरूस्ती आणि नूतनीकरणाचे कामही भारत करणार आहे. गेल्या अनेक वर्षांपासून रखडलेले हे प्रकल्प लवकरात लवकर पूर्ण झाल्यास म्यानमारच्या सीमेवरील निद्रिस्त मोरेह सार्क आणि आसियान यांना जोडणारा दुवा बनून पूर्वांचलातील ‘गेट वे ऑफ इंडिया’ ठरू शकेल