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Saturday, 31 December 2016

How Mamata Banerjee has converted West Bengal into a communal cauldron Dhulagarh is only the latest symptom.

I first visited Kolkata as a teenager to watch a Davis Cup tennis match between Australia and India. As we sat in packed stands to cheer a young Vijay Amritraj lead India to a 3-2 win over favourites Australia, a friend spoke to me with awe about a 17-year-old Swedish prodigy called Bjorn Borg who was taking the European tennis circuit by storm: “Mark my words, he’ll win Wimbledon.” Borg duly did two years later at the age of 19 in 1976. History Kolkata was then a pleasant city. The Communists had not yet inflicted their cruel depredations on the state. Mamata Banerjee was still a young student leader of the Congress (I). The subject she chose for her masters degree at the University of Calcutta was Islamic history. 40 years later, in her sixth year as chief minister of West Bengal, Banerjee has tightened her grip over the state. She has done so by polarising West Bengal along communal lines in a manner unprecedented in the state’s history. To consolidate power, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) has torn the secular fabric of Bengal into shreds. Ironically, Banerjee poses as a secular leader while she systematically practises the most cynical and egregious form of communal politics. West Bengal’s Muslims form 27 per cent of the state’s population. Counting Bangladeshi refugees and non-Census citizens, the actual percentage of Muslims in West Bengal today is closer to 30 per cent. Banerjee has collared this vote-bank. She gives it no development but hands it generous sops — ranging from job quotas to hard cash for madarsas. mamatabd_122916084738.jpg Mamata Banerjee has polarised West Bengal along communal lines. Muslims in Banerjee’s Bengal remain desperately poor and backward. But they vote en masse for her. This 30 per cent vote bloc, along with a smattering of divided Hindus, gives Banerjee a vice-like grip over the electorate. It is hardly surprising that she won the last Assembly election with a landslide. Poverty and communalism are her calling cards. Few outside Bengal had heard of Dhulagarh till two weeks ago. This small industrial and business hub in Howrah district has acquired infamy after Muslim mobs attacked Hindus and burnt their homes. The attack was triggered by a group of Hindus verbally objecting to a procession by Muslim groups on Eid-e-Milad, the Prophet’s birthday. The mainstream media has typically under-reported the Dhulagarh violence. Swarajya magazine recorded the events leading up to the violence: “Muslims brought out a procession complete with loudspeakers blaring Hindi film music on 13 December to celebrate Eid-e-Milad which actually fell on December 12 and was a public holiday. On December 13, Hindus at Dhulagarh village, like in the rest of the country, were observing Margashirsha Purnima. Hindus at the village requested those in the procession to lower the volume of the loudspeaker since the music was interfering with some rituals. Violence "This incensed a section of those in the procession and they started attacking Hindu homes and shops. According to local people, the attackers were non-local Muslims. Hindu houses and shops were looted and then set ablaze while police who reached the village were attacked by bombs and prevented from stopping the rioters.” If such communal violence had broken out in a BJP-governed state, the media would have front-paged it — and justifiably so — for days. In the case of Dhulagarh, coverage by the media was sparse. It took an outpouring of scorn on social media to spur television anchors and newspaper editors to run stories on the Dhulagarh riot which resulted in horrific arson on dozens of Hindu homes. Dhulagarh is only the latest symptom of West Bengal’s descent into a communal cauldron instigated by violent TMC cadres. If the thuggishness of the CPI(M) was notionally secular, the viciousness of the TMC is unabashedly communal. Riots are its preferred way of life. Belligerence As the website CatchNews reported earlier this year: “West Bengal has witnessed a spike in communal violence during Mamata Banerjee’s tenure. There have been the infamous Canning and Deganga riots and communal incidents increased to 106 in 2013. The previous five years witnessed about 12-40 communal incidents. Many attribute the recent belligerence of Muslim hardliners in West Bengal to the politics of appeasement played by Mamata ever since she came to power.” Following demonetisation, Banerjee has become increasingly shrill in her criticism of PM Narendra Modi. Last Thursday (December 22), she told the media shortly after a core committee meeting of the TMC: “Modi Hatao, Desh Bachao is our key slogan now. A person who lost credibility has no moral right to rule the country. He and four of his men are practically running the country and ruining the nation. The Narendra Modi government has lost credibility and had no moral right to remain in office. A person who started his career with riots cannot govern the county.” Banerjee sees herself as a national leader. Like Arvind Kejriwal, Mulayam Singh Yadav and Sharad Pawar earlier, her misbegotten route to the top has been through Muslim appeasement. None of these leaders of straw pause for a moment to think how they could empower, rather than appease, Muslims. NGOs and human rights activists, so quick (again rightly so) to condemn communal violence elsewhere in India, have remained largely silent on Dhulagarh. Bengal deserves their attention. Above all, Bengal deserves a secular chief minister

मायामेमसाब on: December 28, 2016In: अग्रलेख, संपादकीयNo Comments बहुजन समाज पक्षाच्या नेत्या मायावती यांना घेरण्यासाठी भाजपने चौफेर नाकेबंदी केल्याचे सध्या जाणवत आहे. हजार, पाचशे रुपयांच्या जुन्या नोटा रद्द करण्याच्या निर्णयामागे जी अनेक कारणे सांगितली गेली त्यात उत्तरप्रदेशातील विरोधकांना धडा शिकवणे हा भाजपचा एक प्रमुख उद्देश होता असे सांगितले गेले. उत्तरप्रदेशातील भाजपच्या प्रमुख विरोधकांमध्ये मायावतींचा समावेश होतो. मायावतींनी निवडणुकीच्या राजकारणातून आजवर मोठी “माया’ गोळा केली असल्याचा आरोप यापूर्वीही अनेक वेळा झाला आहे. पक्षातर्फे निवडणूक लढवू इच्छिणाऱ्या उमेदवारांकडून कोट्यवधी रुपये घेऊन तिकिटे विकली जातात, असा आरोप त्यांच्यावर सर्रास केला गेला आहे.

त्यातच आता पक्षाच्या बॅंक खात्यात 8 नोव्हेंबर नंतर प्रचंड रोकड भरली गेल्याची बाब उघड झाल्याने मायावतींपुढील अडचणी वाढल्या आहेत. सक्त वसुली विभागाने घातलेल्या छाप्यावेळी ही बाब उघड झाली आहे. 8 नोव्हेंबरला नोटबंदीचा निर्णय जाहीर झाला, त्यानंतर दर एक दिवसाआड युनियन बॅंकेतील पक्षाच्या खात्यावर 15 ते 18 कोटींची रक्कम जमा केली गेल्याचे आढळून आले आहे. ही एकूण रक्कम तब्बल 104 कोटी रुपये इतकी आहे, तसेच त्यांच्याशी संबंधित दुसऱ्या एका खात्यात 43 कोटी रुपये भरले गेल्याचेही “ईडी’ला आढळून आले आहे. या पैशाचा मायावतींना आता समर्पक खुलासा करावा लागणार आहे. ईडी किंवा आयकर विभागाच्या अधिकाऱ्यांना या रकमेचे समाधानकारक उत्तर मिळेपर्यंत त्यांचा पिच्छा पुरवला जाणार हे आता नक्‍की आहे. एरवी बेफाम राजकीय आरोप करून किंवा “दलित की बेटी’ हे कार्ड वापरून मायावतींनी आपल्यावरील आरोपांचा मुकाबला केला आहे; पण हा मामला मात्र मायावती यांना तितका सहजसोपा जाणार नाही. आज मंगळवारी लखनौमध्ये पत्रकार परिषद घेऊन मायावती यांनी भाजपवर जोरदार आगपाखड करून त्यांना प्रत्तुत्तर देण्याचा प्रयत्न केला; पण त्यात फार दम नव्हता. मायावती यांना केवळ भाजपनेच नव्हे तर त्यांच्या पक्षातल्या अन्य नेत्यांनीही वेळोवेळी अडचणीत आणले आहे. बहुजन समाज पक्षाच्या उत्तरप्रदेश शाखेचे अध्यक्ष स्वामी प्रसाद मौर्य यांनी पक्षाला राम राम ठोकताना मायावती या दलित की नव्हे तर “दौलत की बेटी’ असल्याचे म्हटले होते. पक्षात कोट्यवधी रुपये घेऊन तिकिटे विकली जातात, असा जाहीर आरोप त्यांनीही केला होता. त्यामुळे मायावती यांच्याभोवती बेहिशोबी संपत्तीचे गूढ वाढले होते. 8 नोव्हेंबर रोजी नोटाबंदीचा निर्णय घोषित झाल्यानंतरच्या आठवड्यात मायावती यांच्या बंगल्यावर झालेल्या गाड्यांच्या गर्दीच्या अनुषंगाने एक बातमी प्रसिद्ध झाली होती. ज्या इच्छुक उमेदवारांनी पक्षाकडे निधी म्हणून जी रक्कम जमा केली होती ती रक्कम परत घेऊन जाण्यासाठी पक्षाने त्यांना बोलावले होते, असा उल्लेख त्या बातमीत होता. म्हणजे हा सारा पैशाचाच मामला होता आणि भाजपने नोटबंदीचा निर्णय घेऊन उत्तरप्रदेशातील आपल्या राजकीय विरोधकांवर अचूक “सजिर्कल स्ट्राईक’ साधल्याचे सांगितले गेले. गेले काही दिवस उत्तरप्रदेशात कोणाच्या चेहेऱ्यावरचे रंग उडाले, यावरही राजकीय चर्चा रंगली. भाजपचे अध्यक्ष अमित शहा यांनी नोटबंदीच्या निर्णयानंतर मायावती आणि ममता बॅनर्जी यांच्या चेहेऱ्यावरील रंग उडाल्याचे नमूद करीत त्या दोघीही आता दहा वर्षे म्हाताऱ्या दिसू लागल्या आहेत, अशी टिपण्णीही केली होती. त्याला प्रत्युत्तर देण्यासाठी कालच मायावतींनी लखनौमध्ये पत्रकार परिषद घेतली आणि नेमक्‍या त्याच दिवशी त्यांच्या बॅंक खात्यावर ईडीचा छापा पडला. यापूर्वी दिल्लीत आम आदमी पक्षाच्या सरकारच्या बाबतीत असाच प्रकार होत असे. त्यांच्या पक्षाच्या नेत्याने भाजपवर आरोप करणारी पत्रकार परिषद घेतली की त्यांच्यावर विविध प्रकारचे गुन्हे दाखल होत. आता मायावती त्या चक्रातून जात असाव्यात. आयकर खात्याने राजकीय पक्षांना अनेक बाबतीत सूट दिली आहे. त्याचा लाभ उठवण्यासाठीच बहुजन समाज पक्षाच्या खात्यात ही रक्कम भरली गेली असावी असे म्हणण्यास जागा आहे. 20 हजारावरील धनादेशाद्वारे स्वीकारलेल्या देणग्यांमधून राजकीय पक्षांना आयकर सवलत दिली गेली आहे. 20 हजारापर्यंतची देणगी रोख व रद्द केलेल्या नोटांच्या स्वरूपात घेण्याची सवलतही राजकीय पक्षांना देण्यात आली होती, त्याचा लाभ उठवत ही रक्कम पक्षाने आपल्या खात्यावर जमा केल्याचा देखावा केला गेला असला तरी या रकमेचा चोख हिशोब तपास यंत्रणांना सादर करण्याखेरीज त्यांच्यापुढे आता गत्यंतर नाही. एकीकडे ही सारी स्थिती असली तरी दुसरीकडे आपल्या राजकीय विरोधकांना नामोहरम करण्यासाठी भाजपने आता सरकारी यंत्रणेचे सर्रास वापर सुरू केल्याचाही आक्षेप घेता जाऊ लागला आहे. ईडी, आयबी, सीबीआय ही सरकारी हत्यारे आहेत. या यंत्रणांचा कसा राजकीय गैरवापर यापूर्वी केला गेला, हे नव्याने सांगण्याची गरज नाही; पण आता निवडणुकीच्या राजकारणातही या यंत्रणा वापरल्या जाणार असतील तर ती एक गंभीर बाब मानावी लागेल. राजकारणात कुरघोड्या अपेक्षितच असतात. लोकांनी आता सोवळे नेसून राजकारण करावे, अशी अपेक्षा करता येणार नाही; पण त्यांना आता चेहेऱ्यावर बुरखाही पांघरता येणार नाही इतक्‍या रोखठोक पातळीवर हा मामला आता येऊन पोहोचला आहे. लोकही आता हुशार झाले आहेत. त्यांना राजकारणातले छक्केपंजे कळू लागले आहेत. त्यांना कारवाईचा हेतू कळतो आणि त्यावर देण्यात आलेल्या प्रतिक्रियेचा रोखही चटकन समजतो. भारतीय राजकारण स्वच्छ होण्याची प्रक्रिया सुरू झाल्याचे हे लक्षण मानायला हरकत नाही

Friday, 30 December 2016

देशात काय चालले आहे? कश्मीर ते मणिपूर -संजय राऊत

‘राज्यकर्ते मुर्दाड आहेत. त्यांना पुत्र, पती आणि बाप गमावल्याचे दु:ख काय कळणार?’ असा आक्रोश पुण्यातील वीर जवान सौरभ फराटे याच्या मातापित्यांनी केला आहे. कश्मीरात वर्षभरात ६० च्या वर जवान शहीद झाले. ‘नोटाबंदी’वरील प्रवचने हा त्यावरचा उपाय नाही. कश्मीरला मागे टाकेल असा उद्रेक मणिपूर राज्यात सुरू आहे. त्याचे कुणाला काही वाटते काय? देशात नक्की काय चालले आहे, याविषयी आपल्यापैकी कितीजणांना कल्पना आहे? राज्य कोणत्याही पक्षाचे असो, देश नीट चालावा म्हणजे झाले. तसे आज खरोखरच होत आहे काय? आपण देशाची ‘व्याख्या’ स्वत:पुरती बदलून घेतली आहे. देश म्हणजे मी व माझा धर्म. देश म्हणजे मी आणि माझी जात. देश म्हणजे मी आणि माझे सुख, माझे गाव. फार तर माझा जिल्हा आणि शहर. १४०-१५० कोटी लोकसंख्येच्या देशात काय चालले आहे ते पाहायला आज वेळ कुणाकडे आहे? आपण कश्मीरवर बोलतो आणि वाचतो, पण कश्मीरपेक्षा भयंकर अवस्था सध्या मणिपूरची आहे. तेथेही दहशतवाद्यांचे लष्करी तुकड्यांवर हल्ले सुरू आहेत व जनता रस्त्यावर उतरून हिंसाचार करीत आहे. राजधानी इम्फाळमध्ये नोटाबंदीनंतर जी चलनटंचाई निर्माण झाली त्यामुळे त्रासलेल्या जनतेने रस्त्यावर येऊन निषेध व्यक्त केला. चलनटंचाई, वाढलेली महागाई, सतत होणारे दहशतवादी हल्ले यामुळे मणिपूरची जनता संतापली. रविवारी त्यांनी रस्त्यांवर उतरून तोडफोड केली. वाहने पेटवून दिली. ‘नोटाबंदी’नंतर मणिपुरात आर्थिक अडचणी वाढल्या. सध्या तेथे जीवनावश्यक वस्तूंचाही पुरवठा बंद आहे. कायदा-सुव्यवस्था पूर्ण ढासळली आहे. पण मणिपूर हा आपल्या देशाचा एक भाग आहे हे आपण विसरून गेलो. पंतप्रधान ‘कश्मीर’ प्रश्‍नावर बोलतात. लष्करप्रमुख व संरक्षणमंत्री कश्मीर दौर्‍यावर जातात व त्याचे फोटो प्रसिद्ध होतात, पण मणिपूर पेटले आहे, तेथे असा एखादा ‘दौरा’ काढल्याचे स्मरत नाही. पेटलेल्या ईशान्येवर कोणी ‘मन की बात’ बोलताना दिसत नाही. मुर्दाड राज्यकर्ते ‘‘राज्यकर्ते मुर्दाड आहेत. यांना पुत्र, पती आणि बाप गमावल्याचे दु:ख काय कळणार?’’ असा टाहो पुण्यातील वीर जवान सौरभ फराटे याच्या मातापित्यांनी फोडला आहे. कश्मीर खोर्‍यात आणखी एक जवान शहीद झाला. त्याचे शासकीय इतमामात अंत्यसंस्कार झाले. २१ तोफांच्या सलामीनंतर सर्वकाही शांत झाले. पण कश्मीरातील जवानांचे हौतात्म्य कोणत्याही थेट युद्धाशिवाय सुरूच आहे व जवानांच्या शवपेट्या महाराष्ट्रातच सर्वाधिक येत आहेत. त्यामुळे महाराष्ट्राचे हृदय जळते. अमित शहा व त्यांचे सहकारी देशाच्या अर्थकारणावर बोलत आहेत. नोटाबंदीच्या फायद्यावर बोलत आहेत. पण महाराष्ट्र फक्त रोज गमावणार्‍या वीरपुत्रांवर बोलत आहे. नोटाबंदीच्या निर्णयानंतरही दहशतवाद्यांचे हल्ले का थांबले नाहीत? कश्मीरात आमच्या जवानांच्या हौतात्म्याची संख्या दुपटीने वाढली आहे. ‘नोटाबंदी’नंतर अतिरक्यांनी बँका लुटल्या व नवीन नोटांची बंडले पळवून नेली. यावर सरकार व त्यांचे समर्थक ‘शांती शांती’चा नारा देत बसले आहेत. मणिपूरची स्थिती माहीत नाही व कश्मीरकडे डोळे झाकून पाहत आहोत. हा देश मुर्दाडांचा आहे, असे वीरपुत्र सौरभ फराटेचे मातापिता सांगतात ते अशावेळी खरेच वाटते. मणिपूरची नाकेबंदी कश्मीर व इतर सीमावर्ती राज्यांत फरक करू नये असे वाटते. कश्मीरच्या बाबतीत ज्या भावना आहेत त्या मणिपूरच्या बाबतीत असू नयेत हे चुकीचे आहे. कश्मीरातील जनता रस्त्यावर उतरते, त्यांच्या हक्कांसाठी भांडणारे सर्वपक्षीय नेते हीरो ठरतात. कारण कश्मीरचा प्रश्‍न हा राष्ट्रीय नसून मुसलमानांचा म्हणून मांडला जातो. मणिपुरात समस्या त्याहून गंभीर आहेत. पण तेथील प्रश्‍न मुसलमानांशी संबंधित नाही. त्यामुळे कश्मीरप्रमाणे मणिपुरातही एखादे सर्वपक्षीय शिष्टमंडळ न्यावे अशी मागणी कोणी करीत नाही. मणिपुरातील हिंसाचारामागे सरळसरळ चीनची फूस आहे हे समजून घेतले तर गांभीर्य लक्षात येईल. आजही मणिपुरातील काही संघटनांनी ‘नाकाबंदी’ केली आहे. ४८ दिवसांनंतरही ही नाकाबंदी उठू शकली नाही. रस्ते, हायवे बंद आहेत. इंटरनेट बंद आहे. रस्त्यात डिझेल-पेट्रोलची टंचाई आहे व पेट्रोल ४०० रुपये लिटरने विकले जात आहे. अर्ध्या राज्यात सतत १४४ कलम लागूच असते, पण मणिपूरच्या भविष्याची चिंता नाही. मणिपूरमुळे देशाच्या राजकारणावर प्रभाव पडत नाही. त्यामुळे मणिपूर जळत असताना भाजपसह सगळ्याच राष्ट्रीय पक्षांचे मन फक्त उत्तर प्रदेशात गुंतले आहे. सरकारचे सर्व निर्णय उत्तर प्रदेश निवडणुका डोळ्यांसमोर ठेवून होत आहेत. मणिपूरसारखी राज्ये जळून खाक झाली तरी चालतील, पण उत्तर प्रदेश जिंकायला हवे. मणिपूरचा घास गिळून चिनी लाल अजगराने ढेकर दिला तरी चालेल, पण उत्तर प्रदेशात राजकीय पराभव होता कामा नये, या विवंचनेत सगळेच आहेत - See more at:

Wednesday, 28 December 2016

बर्लिन घटनेचा अन्वयार्थ- tarun bharat

December 22, 2016047 अग्रलेख गेल्या नोव्हेंबर महिन्यातल्या, फ्रान्समधील ‘त्या’ थरारक दहशतवादी हल्ल्याला बरोबर एक वर्षाचा कालावधी पूर्ण झाला असेल न असेल तोच, दहशतवाद्यांनी आपला मोर्चा जर्मनीकडे वळविलेला दिसतो आहे. बर्लिनच्या, माणसांनी गजबजलेल्या अशा ख्रिसमस मार्केटमध्ये अचानक एक अज्ञात ट्रकचालक भरधाव वेगात आपले वाहन घेऊन येतो. कसलाही मागचा पुढचा विचार न करता त्या गर्दीतील लोकांना बेमुर्वतखोरपणे चिरडत पुढे जातो. या प्रकारामुळे गर्दीत माजलेली अफरातफर. सर्वांची धावाधाव. बारा जणांचा जागीच मृत्यू. शेकडो जखमी. हृदयाचा थरकाप उडविणारे ते दृश्य. रस्त्यावर सर्वदूर रक्ताच्या चिरकांड्या उडालेल्या. क्षणात रक्ताच्या थारोळ्यात पडलेला प्रेतांचा खच… काळीज पिळवटून टाकणार्‍या किंकाळ्या… सारा समूह ख्रिसमस साजरा करण्याच्या तयारीत आनंदमग्न असताना एका बेसावध क्षणी लोकांच्या आनंदावर विरजण घालत दहशत माजविण्याचा प्रयत्न होतो. ९/११ पासून तर २६/११ पर्यंत आणि पॅरिसपासून तर बर्लिनपर्यंत सर्वदूर दहशतवादाचा अर्थ एकच… रक्तपात. आणि त्यांचा उद्देशही एकच… मानवतेला काळिमा फासण्याचा. लष्कर- ए-तोयबा पासून तर अल् कायदापर्यंत, ज्या पद्धतीने गेली काही वर्षे दहशतवादी संघटनांचा आंतरराष्ट्रीय पातळीवर विस्तार होतो आहे, तो बघितल्यानंतर त्यांच्या अस्तित्वामागील उद्दिष्टं आता धर्माच्या पलीकडे विस्तारली असल्याची बाब स्पष्ट होते. कुण्या एखाद्या देशाच्या भौगोलिक सीमांच्या मर्यादेत बंदिस्त करण्याइतक्या त्यांच्या कारवाया आता मर्यादित राहिलेल्या नाहीत. पाकिस्तान आणि अफगाणिस्तानच्या सीमेवर कधीकाळी जन्माला आलेला अन् नंतरच्या काळात वाट्टेल तसा फोफावलेला अल कायदा नामक संघटनेचा विस्तार ज्या पद्धतीने अमेरिकेत दहशतवादी कृत्ये घडविण्यापर्यंत वाढला, तो बघितल्यानंतर जगातील तमाम दहशतवादी संघटनांची कामाची रीत एव्हाना ‘ग्लोबल’ झाली असल्याची वस्तुस्थिती लपून राहात नाही. जगभरात विखुरलेल्या झाडून सार्‍या दहशतवादी संघटना आपापल्या ठिकाणी एकाच पद्धतीने, एकाच उद्देशाने, ‘जग हादरवून सोडण्याच्या’ एकाच इराद्याने आपल्या कारवाया घडवतात, तेव्हा त्यांच्या इराद्यांमगील उद्दिष्टं, त्यांच्या षडयंत्रांमागील डोकी, त्यांना आकार देणारे हात आणि त्याच्या पाठीशी उभी राहिलेली धनशक्ती यांच्या तारा आंतरराष्ट्रीय स्तरावर एकमेकांशी जुळलेल्या असण्याची शक्यताही आपसूकच अधोरेखित होते. मुंबईत ताज हॉटेल ताब्यात घेऊन बेधुंद गोळीबार करण्याचा प्रकार असो की मग थेट विमाने हायजॅक करून न्यूयॉर्क मधील वर्ल्ड ट्रेड सेण्टरच्या इमारती जमीनदोस्त करण्याची थरारक घटना. फ्रान्सच्या सेण्ट डेनिस शहरात एका संपूर्ण फुटबॉल टीमला वेठीस धरत बेछूट गोळीबार करत माणसं टिपत निघण्याची असो की मग परवाची बर्लीनमधली, थेट गर्दीत ट्रक घुसवून बेदरकारपणे माणसं मारण्याची तर्‍हा… रक्तपात आणि दहशतीच्या मार्गाने समाजातल्या सर्वसामान्य माणसांच्या कत्तली करीत आपले ईप्सित साध्य करायला निघालेली ही मंडळी, नेमका कोणासाठी हा दहशतवाद उराशी धरून बसली आहेत? परवा बर्लीनमध्ये त्यांनी चिरडलेली निर्दोष माणसं वा मग ९/११च्या घटनेत मृत्युमुखी पडलेले शेकडो निरपराध लोक… ज्यांचा जराही कसूर नाही, ज्यांचा यांच्या कुठल्याही कृत्याशी संबंध नाही, ज्यांनी यांचे कधीच कुठलेच नुकसान केले नाही, जे कधीच यांच्या उद्दिष्टांच्या आड आले नाहीत, अशा बेकसूर लोकांच्या सांडलेल्या रक्तातून कसे साध्य व्हावे दहशतवाद्यांचे स्वप्न? आशियापासून तर युरोपापर्यंत सर्वदूर केवळ माणसं मारण्याचा धंदा करणारे दहशतवादी, ज्यांना धड लोकांसमोर उजळ माथ्याने समोरही येता येत नाही, प्रत्येकच देशाच्या सरकारी यंत्रणेपासून तोंड लपवत जीवन जगावे लागते, ती माणसं बंदुकीच्या जोरावर, आधुनिक शस्त्रांच्या बळावर स्वत:चे राज्य निर्माण करू इच्छितात! त्यासाठी देश बेचिराख करण्यात ज्यांना काही वाटत नाही, जिवंत माणसं मारताना ज्यांचे हृदय द्रवत नाही, आपण मारलेल्या माणसांचे कुटुंब उद्ध्वस्त होताना बघून जे जराही अस्वस्थ होत नाहीत… त्या दहशतवाद्यांना आणि त्यांनी जोपासलेल्या दहशतवादाला चिरडण्याचीच योजना आता आंतरराष्ट्रीय स्तरावर तयार होण्याची गरज निर्माण झाली आहे. नव्हे, बर्लिनच्या परवाच्या घटनेने ही गरज पुन्हा एकदा अधोरेखित केली आहे. जर्मनीच्या चान्सलर ऍन्जेला मार्केल यांनी, ही घटना म्हणजे दहशतवादी कृत्य असल्याची शक्यता नाकारलेली नाही. त्यांचे विधान आंतरराष्ट्रीय स्तरावरील सभ्यतेला शोभून दिसणारे असले, त्यातून ध्वनित होणारे संकेत त्या देशाच्या भविष्यातील भूमिकेशी सांगड घालणारे असले तरी तिथल्या सामान्य माणसाच्या मनातल्या भावना मात्र, हे कृत्य करणार्‍यांना कुठलीही दयामाया न दाखवता चिरडून टाकण्याचीच आवश्यकता प्रतिपादित करते. तशीही दहशतवाद्यांना माणुसकीची भाषा कळत नाही. भारताने कसाबसाठी अनुसरलेल्या न्यायालयीन प्रक्रियेने जगभरातील दहशतवादी संघटना ताळ्यावर आल्याचेही चित्र नाही. उलट ओसामाला ओबामांनी ज्या पद्धतीने ठेचला, ती तर्‍हा बघितल्यानंतर मात्र त्या देशाकडे नजर वाकडी करण्याची अद्याप तरी कुण्या दहशतवादी संघटनेची हिंमत झालेली नाही, ही वस्तुस्थिती आहे. दहशतवादाशी ‘याच पद्धतीने’ लढण्याची आवश्यकता बर्लीन येथील परवाच्या घटनेने पुन्हा एकदा स्पष्ट केली आहे. शिवाय अमेरिकेसह जगातील कुठलाच देश अतिरेक्यांच्या कचाट्यातून सुटलेला नसल्याची बाबही यानिमित्ताने नव्याने स्पष्ट झाली आहे. अगदी ज्यांनी दहशतवाद अंगाखांद्यावर खेळवला, जोपासला ते देशही यातून सुटलेले नाहीत. त्यामुळे दहशतवाद ही काही कुठल्याशा एखाद्या देशाची, त्याने एकट्याने सोडवावी अशी समस्या आता राहिलेली नाही. त्याचे स्वरूप जर जागतिक झाले असेल, तर मग त्याच्याशी लढाही जागतिक पातळीवरूनच द्यावा लागणार आहे. भारताविरुद्ध चालल्यात म्हणून पाकिस्तानी कुरघोड्यांनी अमेरिकेला गुदगुल्या होण्याचे दिवस केव्हाच सरलेत. ९/११ ची घटना घडल्यावर अमेरिकेने दहशतवादाविरुद्ध लढा उभारायचा अन् त्याविरुद्ध पेटून उठण्यासाठी जर्मनीत बर्लीनची घटना घडावी लागावी… असे आता चालणार नाही. संपूर्ण जगाने एकत्र येऊन आवाज उठवला, पावलं टाकली तरच, अन्यथा परवा फ्रान्स झाला, काल जर्मनी, उद्या जगाच्या नकाशावरचा अजून कुठला तरी देश… त्यांच्या कारवाया कधीच सरणार नाहीत. तो जर मुळासकट निखंदून काढायचा तर संपूर्ण जगाने एकत्र येऊन त्याविरुद्ध लढणे एवढा एकच उपाय उरतो. हा धडा हाच बर्लीनच्या परवाच्या घटनेचा अन्वयार्थ आहे

बेनामी संपत्तीवर हातोडा!

December 28, 2016033 पंतप्रधान नरेंद्र मोदी यांनी आपल्या ‘मन की बात’ या भाषणात काल सांगितले की, आता नोटाबंदीनंतर बेनामी संपत्तीवर सरकार कारवाई करणार आहे. या घोषणेनेच अनेकांचे धाबे दणाणले आहे. ‘बेनामी संपत्तीवर हातोडा’ हा शब्दप्रयोग, मुंबईतील दाऊदच्या बेनामी संपत्तीवर जेव्हा गो. रा. खैरनार यांनी महापालिकेचे आयुक्त म्हणून अत्यंत धाडसाने हातोडा चालविला होता तेव्हा प्रचलित झाला होता. त्या काळी केवळ दहशतवादी किंवा मोठे गुंड बेनामी संपत्ती जमा करत होते. मात्र, गुंडांचे राजकीयीकरण झाले, गुंड आणि सभ्य यांच्यातील सीमारेषा धूसर झाली, तेव्हा अनेक लोकांना पैशाच्या हव्यासापोटी देशाच्या अर्थव्यवस्थेच्या डोळ्यांत धूळफेक करून बेनामी संपत्ती जमा करण्याचा नाद लागला. सोन्यापेक्षाही गतीने जमिनीमध्ये किंवा प्रॉपर्टीमध्ये किमती वाढतात हे लक्षात आल्यानंतर, गतीने मंडळी जमिनी खरेदी करण्याकडे वळली. जमिनीच्या खरेदी-विक्रीच्या व्यवहारावर अर्थातच आयकर खात्याचे लक्ष असते. हे लक्षात आल्यानंतर मग आपल्या नावाने जमिनीचे व्यवहार न करता ज्यांचे आयकर खात्याकडे नावच नोंदविलेले नाही अशा जवळच्या नातेवाईक, नोकर यांच्या नावावर या जमिनीचे व्यवहार होऊ लागले. त्यासाठी या लोकांच्या नावावर कर्जे दाखवायची, त्यांच्या नावावर व्यवहार करायचे, त्यांच्या नावावर खरेदी केलेल्या जागेची पॉवर ऑफ ऍटर्नी आधीच आपल्या नावाने लिहून घ्यायची. अशा प्रकारचे सावध आणि तथाकथित फुलप्रूफ उपाय शोधण्यात आले. या प्रकारचे अनेक व्यवहार रियल इस्टेटच्या क्षेत्रात गेल्या अनेक वर्षांपासून चालू आहेत. सरकारला कर कशाला भरायचा? असा विचार करून रियल इस्टेटमध्ये होणार्‍या व्यवहारात प्रत्यक्ष व्यवहाराची रक्कम आणि कागदावर दाखविण्याची रक्कम यात चौपट, पाचपटीपेक्षाही जास्त फरक असतो. कागदावर दाखविलेली रक्कम फक्त चेक, ड्राफ्टमार्फत दिली जाते. उर्वरित रक्कम रोखीने दिली जाते. अगदी पोत्यात नोटा भरूनसुद्धा! नोटाबंदीनंतर सगळ्यात जास्त शुकशुकाट जर कुठे असेल तर तो रियल इस्टेटचे खरेदी-विक्रीचे व्यवहार जिथे नोंदविले जातात त्या रजिस्ट्री ऑफिसमध्ये! जिथे एकेकाळी नंबर लावून दिवसभर वाट पाहायची वेळ असे, तिथे आता अक्षरश: सुटीसारखा शुकशुकाट आहे. मोदींच्या नोटाबंदीच्या निर्णयावर राजकीय स्वार्थापोटी सवंग टीका करणार्‍यांनी हे वास्तव कधी पाहिले आहे काय? देशात अर्थव्यवस्थेला फाटा देऊन एक समांतर अशी चोरीची अर्थव्यवस्थाच अतिशय मोठ्या प्रमाणात, काही पटीने चालू होती. नोटाबंदीने सुरुवात करून आता बेनामी संपत्तीवर हातोडा टाकण्याची तयारी करून मोदी सरकारने या प्रचंड मोठ्या काळ्या साम्राज्यावर हल्लाबोल केला आहे. कोणतीही व्यवस्था निर्माण होण्याआधीच तिच्यामधील पळवाटा शोधून त्या मार्गाने बेईमानी करत, देशाला आणि समाजाला फसविण्याचे चातुर्य समाजातील नेते, गुन्हेगार, धनदांडगे यांनी मिळून पणाला लावले. प्रशासनाला भ्रष्टाचाराच्या दलदलीत ओढून त्यांच्या हातून हे सर्व पाप अगदी सराईतपणे करण्याची एक समांतर पद्धतच या लोकांनी तयार केली आहे. जेवढ्या पळवाटा काढता येतील तितक्या काढण्यात आल्या आहेत. अगदी सभ्य माणसांच्या कल्पनाशक्तीला ताण दिला तरी ती जिथपर्यंत पोहोचू शकणार नाही, तिथपर्यंत या लोकांच्या बेईमानीची हद्द पोहोचली आहे. रियल इस्टेटमध्ये दर आठवड्यात कोटींचे रोखीचे व्यवहार करणार्‍या लोकांनी, आपल्याला मनमानी करता येईल अशा पतसंस्था उघडल्या आहेत. सहकार खात्याला आपल्या दावणीला बांधून या पतसंस्थांचे काम चालते. बेनामी संपत्तीप्रमाणे अशा पतसंस्थांमध्ये बेनामी खातेदार आहेत. त्यांच्या खात्यावर पैसे फिरवले जातात. आयकर खात्याच्या लक्षात ही बाब आल्यावर त्याने काही पतसंस्थांवर छापे टाकले आहेत. मात्र, बेईमानी आधीच ठरवून करणारे लोक कागदावर कुठेही कमतरता राहणार नाही, याची डोळ्यांत तेल घालून काळजी घेतात. त्यामुळे या छाप्यात ते किती अडकले असतील, याबाबत शंकाच आहे. सभ्य, सरळमार्गी माणूस कदाचित भोळेपणाने एखादी चूक करून बसेल, मात्र ज्यांनी बेईमानी करण्याचा आधी संकल्प केला आहे, ते कागदावर अगदी अचूक कृती करतात. शेतातून मिळालेले उत्पन्न करपात्र उत्पन्नात धरले जात नाही असे पाहताच, मंडळींनी आपापल्या नावावर कुठेतरी काही शेती घेऊन ठेवली आहे. शहरात मध्यवस्तीत घर बांधून दुकाने, घरे भाड्याने देणारा, भाडेकरार करताना व्यवसाय म्हणून शेती लिहितो, हे विशेष! बेनामी संपत्तीमध्ये कुठेही, कोणत्याही गावात ज्यांच्या नावावर अलीकडे गेल्या काही वर्षांची सीमारेषा ठरवून खरेदीचे व्यवहार झाले असतील, तर अशा खरेदीदाराकडे उत्पन्नाचा कोणता मार्ग आहे? त्या मार्गाच्या आधारे हा खरेदीचा व्यवहार करण्याइतकी रक्कम अर्जित करणे त्याला शक्य आहे काय? नसेल तर त्याने एवढी रक्कम कुठून आणली? अशी माहिती जेव्हा सरकार खोदून काढेल, तेव्हा अनेक आश्‍चर्यकारक प्रकरणे बाहेर आल्याशिवाय राहणार नाहीत! नोटाबंदीचा सर्वसामान्य लोकांना थोडा त्रास झाला. त्या त्रासाबद्दल सर्वसामान्य माणसांची काही तक्रार नव्हती. मात्र, सर्वसामान्यांच्या आडून सरकारवर शरसंधान करण्याचे सुख विरोधक, मित्रपक्ष, नोटाबंदीने झटका बसलेल्या शक्ती यांनी घेतले. प्रसारमाध्यमांनीही लोकांचे प्रश्‍न मांडल्याचा आव आणत सरकारवर टीका करण्याचा आनंद घेतला. मात्र, आता बेनामी संपत्तीच्या प्रकरणात सर्वसामान्य माणसाला एक टक्काही तोशीष लागणार नाही. धनदांडगे, बदमाश, गुंड, समाजकंटक यात मोठ्या प्रमाणावर अडकणार आहेत. नोटाबंदीपाठोपाठ हा विषय समोर येत असल्याने, नोटाबंदीत आपल्याला झालेला त्रास हा व्यापक देशहिताचा आणि मोदी यांच्या स्वच्छता अभियानाचा एक भाग होता, हे लोकांना या बेनामी प्रकरणात समजणार आहे. बेनामी संपत्तीच्या कारवाईत कदाचित सत्ताधारी भाजपाच्या हितचिंतक व समर्थकवर्गातीलही लोक सापडू शकतात. मात्र, त्यांच्यावरही कारवाई झाली, तर मोदी सरकारच्या या स्वच्छता मोहिमेची विश्‍वासार्हता जास्तच वाढणार आहे. लोकशाही समाजवादाचे नाव घेत मागच्या दाराने सरंजामशाही, घराणेशाही निर्माण करण्याचे काम कॉंग्रेसच्या साठ वर्षांच्या कारकीर्दीत झाले. त्या सगळ्या काळ्या साम्राज्याला धक्का देण्यात मोदी यांची ही मोहीम यशस्वी झाली, तर देशाचे चित्रच बदलून जाणार आहे! भारताला भविष्यात जगातील एक महासत्ता बनविण्याचे स्वप्न जर भारतीय माणूस पाहणार असेल, तर त्यासाठी अशा प्रकारच्या कठोर निर्णयांचे स्वागत प्रत्येकाने केलेच पाहिजे. रघुरामन् राजनसारख्या रिझर्व बँकेच्या गव्हर्नरला, भारताची अर्थव्यवस्था ही आंधळ्या राजाची अर्थव्यवस्था म्हणण्याची वेळ आली होती! ही मोहीम यशस्वी झाली, तर भविष्यात अशा प्रकारचे या देशाच्या अर्थव्यवस्थेचे वर्णन करण्याची हिंमत कुणी करणार नाही, एवढे निश्‍चित!

BENGAL The State faces an existential and identity crisis, with the growth of jihadism and rabid Islamist lumpens aided and supported by the party in power. It poses a severe challenge to the well-being of the State itself

Monumental betrayal of Bengal, its values Wednesday, 28 December 2016 | Anirban Ganguly | in Edit 1 2 3 4 5 3 I mourn for Bengal, because Bengal has pushed itself into an apparently inextricable cycle of degenerative politics from which it appears unable to lift itself. The land of actual revolutionary nationalists, of fighters for India’s freedom, of some of the highest and noblest thoughts in the evolution of India’s intellectual traditions, has now turned into a playground of forces that conspire to break India. They are doing all this with the active connivance of the party in power in the State. While communists worked to weaken Bengal, to dilute and then destroy her civilisational and cultural heritage and memory, her sense of a great past and systematically hammered away at all that stood as distinct and inspiring symbols of ‘Bengaliness’, the Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress regime is consciously and assiduously working to turn Bengal into a swamp of intolerance, into a frontier land of jihadism in which only the extreme anti-nationals, the extreme anti-India forces, and the most rabid elements shall survive and thrive. One of the first and toughest existential questions before Bengal was during independence, when a strong possibility arose of Bengal becoming part of Jinnah’s Pakistan utopia. It was only Syama Prasad Mookerjee’s powerful and tactful intervention during the period, that saw a solid unity crystallise against the demand that the entire Bengal be given away to satisfy Jinnah’s appetite for an Islamic state. Syama Prasad Mookerjee had then saved Bengal so that Bengalis could live in dignity and security. Ironically when he demanded that Pakistan be sanctioned for perpetrating atrocities on its Bengali minorities and for pushing them into India as refugees, it was the comrades who took out a procession in the streets of Calcutta, condemning Syama Prasad. Today, Bengal faces its second existential and identity crisis, with the growth ofjihadism and rabid Islamist lumpens aided and supported by the party in power. This poses a severe challenge to the welL-being-being of the State itself, to its future and to the vision that had saved it from clutches of the Muslim League. Yet, except for a few commentators, for a few groups operating on the ground, and apart from the BJP, no intellectual or leader has expressed concern over these developments; no public intellectual — especially the jet-setting, foreign-clime beholden type who is ever ready to warn people of the spectre of ‘HinduRashtra’ and of the bogey of fascism — has even as much as alluded to the rising climate of intolerance in Bengal and to how non-state actors are gradually striking deep roots, and of how a section of the Bengali Hindus — especially those belonging to the weaker and marginalised sections of society — are bearing the brunt of this rising jihadism. Our executive class champions of human rights are strangely silent on the challenges faced by these sections in Bengal, on the near routine harassment and atrocities that they have to bear at the hands of jihadists. The latest cycle of violence and attacks in Dhulagarh, Mollargate, saw the same blanket of silence from the majority among the so-called mainstream Indian media and the so-called mainstream intellectuals. In the latest cycle of violence, the same pattern of terror was followed, shops gutted, women molested, threatened, homes burnt, men beaten. And so democratic is Mamata Banerjee that each time a central team is sent by the BJP — only and always by the BJP because no other party dare send teams because that would offend ‘didi’ and her rabid constituency — her police and lumpens prevent them from proceeding to the affected areas. The same was done during the Kaliachak episode when a team led by BJP Member of Parliament Bhupendra Yadav and SS Ahluwalia tried to visit the spot; and the same was repeated in the case of Dhulagarh, when the parliamentary team constituted by BJP president Amit Shah was stopped from visiting the place. One recalls how, when Mamata Banerjee was prevent by the communist Government from visiting Singur, she returned to the State Assembly and with her senior leaders in tow, broke furniture in the Assembly lobby, hurled expletives and turned upside down the entire proceedings of the day. In fact, today, Mamata Banerjee heads one of the most intolerant and Constitution non-compliant State Government in India. She has even outdone her communist opponents in this non-compliance of hers. Reverting to our discussion on the degenerative web of politics that afflicts Bengal, the first round of degenerative politics set in the early parts of 1970s, when the self-destroying vision of Charu Mazumdar’s Naxal utopia took hold of a so-called avant-garde section among the Bengali intelligentsia and inspired them to indulge in extreme violence, wiping out an entire generation and turning Bengal into a cesspool of instability and stagnation. Interestingly, a section in the State and beyond still continues to hold a fascination with Charu’s utopia and its false dimensions, and continues to work to put it into operation and fruition in today’s India. While their comrades-in-arm openly work to destroy and liquidate India through the barrel of the gun, these others continue to operate in urban India and intellectually push the cause of breaking India into pieces. The second phase of degenerative politics began with the advent of the liberators of the proletariat, the political charlatans who, while promising a liberated existence full of opportunities, imposed a rule that pushed Bengal even more backward, destroyed her edifices — industrial, educational — again erasing possibilities, eradicating opportunities for an entire generation of Bengalis who had to migrate out of the state in droves for its existence and growth. Even Amartya Sen’s economic theories or the supposed power of his personality — worshipped by comrades — could not salvage Bengal from the morass it had started sinking in. This period of three decades and more, saw Bengal crumbling and deconstructing herself in all her parts. The third phase of degenerative politics began when a supposed ‘Poriborton’ turned into a mandate for further altering the character of the State, for unlimited oppression, for a shrinking of the democratic space and for the promotion of lawlessness and jihadism. Like the first existential challenge that Bengal faced, the present one is equally if not more acute, more daunting and more lethal for it is abetted by those who are supposedly the democratic trustees of the State. I mourn for Bengal, because she is losing herself. I mourn for Bengal, because she seems unable to or incapable of extricating herself from grips and a cycle of a chronic degeneration

Assessing the Right Strategy to Deal with Emerging Contours of Conflict in J&K

#1684 123 December 28, 2016 By Narender Kumar Armies do not fight wars; nations fight wars. War is not a military activity conducted by soldiers, rather a social activity that involves entire nations. Carl von Clausewitz noted that passion, probability and policy each play their role in war. Any understanding of war that ignores one of these elements is fundamentally flawed.[i] The conflict in Jammu & Kashmir is becoming more complex and strategy ineffective with signs of fatigue and fragmented approach distinctly visible. We need to ask the question whether our Kashmir strategy is flawed. Who is fighting the hybrid war in Jammu and Kashmir, is it security forces or is it India as a nation? Pakistan has employed all major components of hybrid war- regulars, irregulars, criminals, economic and cyber war in the same battle space. Regulars are providing training, logistic support, intelligence support, facilitating infiltration and exfiltration, irregulars undertaking terror strikes in Jammu and Kashmir and rest of the country, criminals undertaking drug trafficking, arms trafficking, FICN, cyber-attacks and radicalisation of population in J&K and rest of the country. India is fighting this hybrid war in a conventional manner by employing regulars to deal with a hybrid threat. Pakistan has employed a hybrid threat that is physical and conceptual in its dimensions: the former, a struggle against an armed enemy and the latter, a wider struggle for, control and support of the combat zone’s indigenous population, the support of the home fronts, and the support of the international community.[ii] To secure and stabilize the ground situation and defeat the hybrid threat, India should break the contact between Pakistan-based terror modules and Kashmiri youths. At the same time the economy needs to be improved, law and order situation should be improved and costs imposed on Pakistan. If India fails to reverse the threat three consequences can be expected from a flawed grasp of the contemporary conflict in J&K:- · Unreasonable political and public expectations for quick victory by employing conventional military power. · An overly simplistic grasp of the application of blunt military power and flawed perception of victory. · Naïve views of both adversaries and the context for conflict.[iii] The current strategy against the hybrid war of Pakistan seems to be wearing out and the strategy to deal with it is becoming ineffective. Acts of terrorism are on the rise, the population is disaffected and masses are resorting to Intifada. For students of the art of war, it is one of the most inefficient method to fight such a war, where adversary is fighting not from across the border but from within borders. Thus collateral damage whatsoever, will be that of the target nation. In this case the territory, resources and sustenance to support hybrid war is coming from within India and investment of Pakistan is only directing the war. Indian Strategy Showing Signs of Fatigue The pitfall of fighting hybrid war by direct means is that India is focused on elimination of terrorists but the source of energy to sustain a hybrid war remains intact and the perpetrators of war unpunished. On the other side Pakistan has managed to increase contact area by investing in human terrain to prepare future Jihadis from within India. We need to ask the question from ourselves whether it is the right strategy to gain victory through tactical successes without addressing the source of war? The choice is either to fight within borders and suffer collateral damage such as Pathankot, Uri, Nagrota, Gurdapur, Pampore 1,2 and 3 or take the war to the source of energy and make the perpetrators of war pay the price. With every passing day conduct of CI/CT operations are becoming increasingly difficult to execute due to public resistance and ground support to terrorists. Modern Wars are not a competition to display ethical practices, but to pursue national objectives. Being morally correct in war is either inability to fight the way adversary has chosen or lack of will to fight and take the war into enemy territory. The obvious issue here is that the Indian political leadership has shied away from building hybrid capability till now, as a result the only tool the nation has is conventional capability. Some policy makers have conveniently termed own lack of will and capability as strategic restraint; a strategic restraint has made the adversaries bolder by the day. This strategic restrain has allowed Pakistan to increase contact area much beyond J&K and the target ranges from innocent civilians to strategic installations. Asymmetry as Strategy[iv] The surgical strike has shown that India is now prepared to undertake shallow strike on frontline targets of Pakistan Army and their terrorist launch pads, but this has limited impact on dismantling the terror network. Retaliation will be a natural outcome of any strike across the line of control, thus India should also be prepared to face reverse threat. It has certainly put the Pakistan Army on the defensive and has sent a message that there would be heavy retaliation to any attempt of gross violations across LOC. The Pakistan Army may not retaliate in similar manner but the advantage Pakistan has is that it is in a position to strike well in depth because of presence of terrorists and Jihadi sleeper cells within J&K and in the hinterland. That also throws up another challenge of guarding the sensitive and soft targets in rear areas and the hinterland. As a result the Indian Army and security forces will have to place additional resources to defend soft targets that will be in focus more often in the future. Defeat of an adversary can never be ensured with predictable use of military power; therefore, asymmetry can either be brought in by a superior modern military or superior strategy and innovative use of available resources. Resistance to change will only produce more body bags and demoralise the foot soldiers. In the backdrop of the above, the need of the hour is to change the operational philosophy and take the war to where it originates But before we look at operational and strategic issues, there is a need to look inward as to why the rate of casualties has increased? Why intelligence is only suggestive or advisory in nature? Why soldiers continue to fight with rudimentary weapon systems and continue to remain ill equipped? Whenever the casualties start mounting it is a sign of deficiency in training, leadership, failing tactics and strategy. Brig Anil Gupta an Infantry veteran says that casualties to soldiers are failure of the nation to equip them. Use of conventional forces against hybrid threat needs review. Irregulars can only be defeated through irregular and asymmetric means. Fighting hybrid war within own territory is a weak and timid strategy. Hybrid war has to be fought by irregulars, covert means purely by and through intelligence organisations. R&AW and IB should pick up the cudgels and move beyond advisory, they have to fight hybrid war from within Pakistan and create fissures and insecurity within terror organisations. They have to shape the environment for security forces to execute operations. If the terrorists are able to reach the LoC it is intelligence failure. Political leaders must demand accountability as to how terrorists are able to reach the LoC and how they are able to cross over. It is the responsibility of the intelligence agencies to eliminate the terrorists in Pakistan terror camps or before they cross LOC; if some terrorists do trickle in, real time intelligence should be shared with troops on ground to eliminate them before they cross over. There may be circumstances where some leads may break but then re-establishing the link is the responsibility of the intelligence. Time has come to make intelligence agencies responsible to the field commanders. First input should reach field commanders and rest can wait. Because ultimately the information is required by troops on ground and not as much by bosses in Delhi. Fighting any war on own shores is lack of capability and absence of strategy. Time has come for the Army to take the war into enemy territory by covert means. Selective black operations need to be authorised to send the message that no terrorists will be safe irrespective of the place of hiding. Use of covert assets to eliminate the terrorists in population centres should not be considered a taboo. It will rather create a sense of insecurity among the terrorists and their sympathisers. The cost of act of terrorism on both sides of the LOC must be paid in kind. For a nation it is unethical to allow criminal acts to go unpunished. Power of the state must be delivered and the means could be direct or indirect. Presenting an exposed flank is a sure sign of neglect and lackadaisical approach. Hardening of targets is important to prevent collateral damage. Hardening can be done by effective intelligence, structural security, periodic evaluation of security and proactive approach. Whichever army goes stronger in battle is sure to achieve victory. The greatest dangers to the army engaged in active combat come from unexpected people especially against whom you have no weapons to respond. It is not enemy actions that affect the morale of forces as much, rather it is the neglect of own soldiers by way of destroying elitism, poor equipment, disrespect to soldiers by equating them with civilian government functionaries. If the soldiers are equated with the police or other government servants then you should also be prepared for him to act like them A Solider has to be treated as an elite ready to give and take lives of enemy. The biggest problem in Kashmir is - who is in command of operations? Is it the Army that operates under MOD, CAPF under MHA or state police under J&K Government? All of them are operating in the same operational space under different command authority. There is no exclusive space where a force has liberty to employ covert teams to eliminate terrorists by operating incognito. Whenever there are contacts or engagements with terrorists, the action is more often done by Rashtriya Rifles and J&K police, but the area is crowded by all types of forces that may not have any role or worthwhile contribution to hasten up operation. Similarly there is duplicity of road opening due to lack of faith and trust. Responsibility and accountability must be fixed and to avoid confusion there should only be one agency doing one type of task. More exposure of troops will invite more reaction from terrorists and population. There should be least amount of exposure of troops overtly. There is increasing dependence on Special Forces for executing operations be it Fedayeen or holed up terrorists in built up areas. Rashtriya Rifles units always consider it an operational blot if they allowed other units or Special Forces to come and operate in their area of responsibility. This tendency of calling Special Forces for most operations is unwarranted since RR units are capable of dealing with such threats on regular bases. Fidayeen attacks are increasing by the day and as a result casualties are mounting. There is definitely a requirement to train sentries and QRTs to be able to engage and neutralise Fidayeen before they make entry into the camps. One of the battalion commanders deployed in the Valley told the author that success and failure of Fedayeen attack is determined by reaction of alert sentries and QRT. If Fidayeen is eliminated before they make contact with the fence it is successful operation, any delay beyond that period is catastrophic, because if they are allowed entry into the camp, unacceptable damages are bound to take place. It needs training of men, clear orders and trust in intent and judgment of men. It is the responsibility of the higher leadership to stand by men even if there is an error of judgment. Conclusion For far too long the strategy to deal with acts of terror has remained defensive and cautious. Reluctance has crept into the minds and actions of soldiers due to fear of reprisal by the system for error of judgement. Soldiers in such wars cannot be asked to perform under threat of legal actions even if there is error of judgement. Because more often soldiers operate under instinct and delay in response could be a costly mistake. There is a need to alter the strategy and it is time to fight the guerrilla as guerrilla. In war it is a crime for a leader to sacrifice men for want of unambiguous orders, correct strategy and correct weapon system. The task of the army to fight a hybrid war is twofold- fight the battle in such a way that they cannot bring their strength or strategy into play and create such a level of frustration that enemy is forced to make mistakes in the process.[v] The moment the army becomes defensive in its action and troops too cautious, it is very difficult for commanders to make their commands proactive. Decision dilemma among men and commanders is a sure recipe for disaster - See more at:

Tuesday, 27 December 2016

IN PAKISTAN In rural Sindh, Hindu girls and women are sometimes forced by local landlords and petty thugs to ‘convert’ to Islam and get married (pretty much a euphemism for kidnapping and rape). Their families complain they have no legal recourse for registering, let alone prosecuting, these crimes.

Forced conversions must stop Bina Shah December 27, 2016 | 06:04 AM       When Pakistan’s Sindh Assembly passed the law against forced conversion, it was hailed as a landmark piece of legislation for the protection of the province’s minorities. In rural Sindh, Hindu girls and women are sometimes forced by local landlords and petty thugs to ‘convert’ to Islam and get married (pretty much a euphemism for kidnapping and rape). Their families complain they have no legal recourse for registering, let alone prosecuting, these crimes. On the other hand, there are Hindu girls and women who decide to marry a Muslim and convert of their own free choice. Their angry parents will register an FIR and file a case of kidnapping against the groom and his family. Women in these circumstances place advertisements in local newspapers declaring they have converted and married of their own free will. In both cases, the rights of the girls and women get trampled on by families, by authorities and by criminals. In the first instance, criminals use physical force and intimidation to harm vulnerable minorities and under-aged children; in the second, a woman’s right to choose her religion and her marriage is endangered by her own family. Both cases are egregious violations of the rights of female Pakistani citizens, and there has been no legal way to protect them so far. The law against forced conversion is a good attempt to halt the first case scenario by criminalising forced conversions, and providing protection to its victims. It declares that people under the age of 18 could not be registered as having converted until they reached the age of majority—this to bring conversions in line with the legal age of marriage in Sindh (also 18). There are also fines and prison sentences for those who force another person to convert and for those who aid or abet such a marriage. Quick registration of complaints (which would drag on for months if not years previously, with Hindu families often dismissed or discouraged from approaching the authorities because of their second-class status as minorities), and protection of victims in shelters are also included in the bill. But, as soon as the bill was passed, religious parties protested. How can you restrict the age of someone who wants to convert of their own free will? How can you restrict the age of marriage when religion only requires that people have attained puberty and their guardians or families allow it? Islam doesn’t allow for forced conversion in the first place, so why should there be a law against such conversion? A forced conversion followed by a prompt marriage may be frowned upon in Islam but was, until now, technically legal in Pakistan. The actors in such cases will intimidate and pressure the woman and her family into saying that the conversion and marriage was ‘free will’ rather than forced. Ironically, these kinds of admissions are made with a gun pointing at your head or the head of your loved ones. Forced conversions are enacted upon the vulnerable Hindu girls of Sindh so that the criminals who kidnap them can obtain a piece of paper to get another piece of paper — the nikahnama, or marriage certificate. This is then used as ‘evidence’ that they have enacted a legal marriage, not kidnapping and rape. The Hindu girls and women of Sindh are minorities twice over — Hindus and women — and need a law that gives them extra protection against a legal system and a social system that is heavily weighed against their safety and their rights. The law can be made clearer to illustrate this circumstance. Anyone can be free to convert at any age, but the conversion would only be registered legally once the convert is 18 years of age. Any marriage to a convert should be precluded by a six-month waiting period in which authorities investigate whether it is of the woman’s free choice, similar to marriages in the West investigated for being genuine, rather than just a piece of paper to obtain a visa or a green card. There are many things not allowed or discouraged in Islam but they still happen in Pakistan. Forced conversion is one of them. Religious parties should be the first in line to say that they vow to protect the rights of minority converts, and will not support conversions or marriages under duress. They should be the first to want to keep the reputation of Muslims in Pakistan high, rather than wanting to use every legal loophole available to take advantage of vulnerable girls and women. Pressure from these groups has caused the Sindh government to agree to ‘review’ the bill, but they will probably demand it to be repealed entirely. Yet the Sindh government must stand firm, as the Punjab government stood firm on the Women’s Protection Bill. Muslims we may be, but our consciences are not enough to prevent these crimes

Monday, 26 December 2016

he mainstream media’s deafening silence on recent communal incidents has led to a steady erosion of its credibility. Islamist hardliners in Bengal who spew venom and issue death threats are above the law and the mainstream media avoids criticising them even mildly. In such a situation, more credence is given to unsubstantiated news and rumours masquerading as news. And this can be dangerous for a state like West Bengal.-Jaideep Mazumdar

- Dec 25, 2016, 12:53 pm Shares 3.6 K How Media’s Silence On Banerjee’s Appeasement Politics Is Undermining Its Credibility Snapshot The mainstream media’s deafening silence on recent communal incidents has led to a steady erosion of its credibility. Islamist hardliners in Bengal who spew venom and issue death threats are above the law and the mainstream media avoids criticising them even mildly. In such a situation, more credence is given to unsubstantiated news and rumours masquerading as news. And this can be dangerous for a state like West Bengal. For many years now, there has been an unofficial gag order on the media in Bengal. No reports that can show the minority (read: Muslim) community in a poor light can be published or broadcast. The obeisant media has been happily following this gag order very religiously. But then, gone are those days when news of events and developments could be suppressed by issuing diktats to a largely subservient (mainstream) media. In today’s age, even if the mainstream media chooses to black out some event, people get to know about it through the social media. And this is exactly what has been happening in West Bengal where communal riots have been erupting with frightening regularity, thanks to Mamata Banerjee’s shameless policy of minority appeasement (as has been discussed in this article). However, the silence of the mainstream media has also started backfiring. For instance, the media blackout of last week’s attacks by hardline Muslims on Hindus spawned wild rumours that ignited passions in many other places across the state. That could have triggered widespread violence leading to full-fledged riots engulfing many areas of Bengal. Banerjee has only her good fortune to thank that this did not happen. But she wasn’t so fortunate two months ago when news of an attack by Muslims on a Goddess Durga idol immersion procession at a village in Malda district, followed by attacks on homes and shops of Hindus, was suppressed. No newspaper or periodical or TV channel carried reports of the attacks. But social media stepped into the void and within a couple of hours, news and video clips of the attack spread throughout the state. Rumours of Muslims having attacked Durga Puja mandaps and defiling idols of the Goddess, as well as attacks on temples, also spread and gained intensity with increasing circulation. In the absence of any news of the attack being disseminated by the mainstream media and TV news channels, people believed in the wild and baseless rumours. Hindus were incensed, and this led to communal riots in as many as 12 other places in different parts of the state. The mainstream media brought more shame upon itself when, over the next few days, it started publishing and broadcasting news of Muslims being attacked. The original attack by Muslims on the immersion procession was not even mentioned in passing and the fact that the communal riots that followed from that was a reaction by angry Hindus was suppressed in a sinister fashion. This unfortunate bias of the media, both local and national, has not been lost on the Hindus of Bengal. In perhaps no other state does the media keep silent or desist from disseminating news of such violence. In no other part of the country does the media follow an unofficial diktat of a state government. And in no other state does the government maintain radio silence and pretend that attacks by one community on another and the resultant clashes have not happened at all. It is not just news of attacks on Hindus by Muslims and the consequent communal clashes that follow that is blacked out by the media. It has become the standard practice for the media to black out news of any demonstrations, rallies or protests by Muslim hardliners in Bengal on the grounds that such coverage could lead to communal tension and, more importantly, would show the Muslim community in a poor light. For instance, in early August last year, tens of thousands of slogan-shouting Muslim hardliners laid siege to central Kolkata and brought normal life to a complete standstill, thus inconveniencing lakhs of people. The reason: police had detained three Muslim clerics from Bihar who were transporting a group of 62 children from Bihar to Maharashtra via Kolkata. The police suspected the clerics of trafficking the kids since they could not produce any documents and could not provide satisfactory answers. Within an hour of the clerics’ detention, mobs from madrassas blocked roads, attacked vehicles and even the police, who fled. Buses carrying schoolchildren and ambulances carrying critically ill patients were not allowed to move by the militant mobs demanding the immediate release of the clerics. It was only after the police bowed down to their demands that the mobs retreated from the streets late in the evening. But no TV news channel reported this, and not a line was mentioned in any newspaper the next morning (barring two national dailies). Incidentally, the two dailies were warned by state officials that they would be hauled up if they report such events in future. Needless to say, they fell in line. In March 2013, hardline Islamists brought out a huge rally that brought Kolkata to its knees. They were protesting against the crackdown on Jamaat-e-Islami radicals and Islamic terrorists in Bangladesh. Prominent Muslim clerics called for the death of Bangladesh premier Sheikh Hasina at the rally. But no TV channel or newspaper thought it fit to report this. In early 2014, Muslim hardliners vented their anger on the streets of Kolkata after a Bengali TV channel planned to air a serial based on a book written by Taslima Nasreen. The West Bangal government leaned hard on the private channel to shelve the serial, fearing that not giving in to the Islamists’ demands would cost Banerjee her precious Muslim vote bank. Once again, not a word on this appeared in the mainstream media. News of violent protests by Muslims have been blacked out in the past as well. This media bias actually dates back to the days of the Left Front regime in the state. The Left, too, followed a policy of minority appeasement and in pursuance of it, forced media houses to desist from reporting anything that would show Muslims in a poor light. For instance, in late 2007, hardline Islamists rioted in Kolkata against the presence of Taslima Nasreen in the city. They attacked media persons, police and torched two offices of the CPI-M, which was in power at that time. Even though curfew was imposed in parts of the city and the army, which had to be called out, staged flag marches, news of violence was completely blacked out. TV channels and newspapers carried asinine reports saying Muslims only protested while staying silent on the violence they unleashed. A panicky Left Front government bundled Nasreen out of the state. Banerjee has, of course, gone one up on the Left in minority appeasement and in ensuring that the media plays by her rules. No TV channel or newspaper will, for instance, even mildly criticise clerics, who issue fatwas or speak like medieval bigots. Take the case of prominent cleric Maulana Nurur Rehman Barkati, the Shahi Imam of Kolkata’s Tipu Sultan Masjid. Barkati is infamous for issuing fatwas, the latest one (issued two weeks ago) asking for BJP state president Dilip Ghosh to be stoned and driven out of West Bengal for the latter’s diatribe against Banerjee. Barkati also issued a fatwa calling for the death of Nasreen and announcing a reward of Rs 1.5 lakh for her head. Barkati has held rallies supporting notorious terror-monger Zakir Naik and led funeral prayers in absentia for Osama bin Laden and Mumbai blast accused Tiger Memon. He has also been a vocal advocate of triple talaq and has issued many other fatwas, besides making atrocious statements that reveal his regressive and medieval mindset. But no TV channel or newspaper will criticise him because that’ll anger Banerjee, who needs Barkati to hold on to her Muslim vote bank and thus accords him VIP status, including use of a red-beacon SUV. Had the leader of any other religious community been so obnoxious and violated the law of the land, the media would have gone ballistic. But Islamist hardliners in Bengal who spew venom and issue death threats are above the law and the mainstream media avoids criticising them even mildly. The mainstream media’s deafening silence on recent communal incidents, combined with its deeply ingrained habit of looking the other way when Islamists break the law, has led to a steady erosion of its credibility. The majority community in Bengal no longer trust the mainstream media to be fair and objective when it comes to the minority community. In such a situation, more credence is given to unsubstantiated news and rumours masquerading as news. And this can be dangerous for a state like Bengal where the situation is turning increasingly volatile

Sunday, 25 December 2016


This is how international media responded to India's currency ban which shows the impact of this historic decision over world economy and how it is going to 'stop' corruption and black money in India! (However, even if it is reduced, it may be a big achievement). IMF, European Union, World Bank and every reputed international organization has supported this move. World Bank President has even said, ”I am a big fan of Modi!” Forbes: Five days after the decision, Forbes has published an article titled “India’s Great Bank Note Switch Appears To Be Working – “$30 Billion In Rs Deposited In Banks.” The article notes that a move of this magnitude would result in “obvious chaos”, but points that “so far at least it looks as if it is working.” The article goes on to call the scheme “rather well done, a clever plan.” New York Times: A New York Times quoted an expert saying it was a wise move. “The plan, top secret until Mr. Modi’s announcement, was hailed by financial analysts, as bold and potentially transformation for India. It is also a high-stakes experiment,” the article said. Washington Post: It called PM Narendra Modi’s initiative as "ambitious" and in keeping with his election time vow to initiate a crackdown against black money. The Post said Black money in India ‘is estimated to total from $400 billion to more than $1 trillion’! The Independent: This Singapore-based paper published a glowing article on the move titled “Modi does a Lee Kuan Yew to stamp out corruption in India.” Lee Kuan Yew was the Singaporean Prime Minister for several decades and is considered to be the architect of modern Singapore. “Government leaders feel that the sudden move by the Indian Prime Minister has brought new respect for him. Bloomberg: In an article published in the leading American financial journal Bloomberg, Swiss global financial services company UBS Group AG said that Australia should follow India’s lead and scrap its biggest bank notes. “Removing large denomination notes in Australia would be good for the economy and good for the banks,” UBS analysts led by Jonathan Mott said in a note to clients on Monday. Benefits would include reduced crime and welfare fraud, increased tax revenues and a “spike” in bank deposits. The question is who are those who are opposing the move Tooth & Nail. Answer is simple: •Those politicians who have horde of Demonetized Notes which suddenly have become garbage. •Those Business Persons who, in last seventy years, have become so much used to doing business without raising bills, those who work with Slips to Pay or Receive the money. •Those who, instead of using banks to Transfer or Receive Cash, use HAWALA channels instead. •Anti national Unpatriotic Media who wants to cash in on people’s difficulties & problems by magnifying every small thing. They feel frustrated when the see the so called Common Man and Poor for improving whose lot, this gigantic measure has been taken, braving the difficulties and problems with great acclaim. A clear attempt by media to create Fear Psychosis in peoples' mind can be seen. WHAT DO THEY ALL GAIN : These are the people who wants Status Quo to continue & India to remain as we have lived for centuries, poor, under nourished, unemplyed without proper Medical facilities. WHO UNDERSTANDS : The Common man, poor farmer, daily wage earners & everyone affected and is ready to face present difficulties to meet the challenge head-on so that they themselves, their children & grandchildren live in a BETTER INDIA of their Broken DREAMS. They understand the nefarious designs of these Opposition Politicians, crying hoarse, Business people & ‘Desh drohi’ Media. They are prepared to Sacrifice their TODAY for a BETTER TOMORROW.

Within The ISI: Plumbing The Deepest Point Of A State Kiessling is excellent on the ISI under Gen Zia and its pernicious influence, but misses crucial aspects G. PARTHASARATHY

The ISI is today a household name in India; it is etched in the minds of its citizens. To millions of Indians, it symbolises the venality of the Pak¬istani military mindset. People in Punjab still remember the years of militancy in the 1980s, when Sikh pilgrims to shrines like Nankana Sahib in Pakistan were incited to resort to violence, by agents provocateurs. Across Jammu and Kas¬h-mir, everyone knows how misguided and disillusioned Kashmiri youth were motivated to take to arms and made to play second fiddle to hardcore terrorists from ISI-backed groups, like the Lashkar e-Taiba and the Jaish e-Mohammed. People in Mumbai and indeed, across India, will never forget the horrors of the 26/11 attack and the bomb blasts in 1993, whose mastermind, Dawood Ibrahim, lives comfortably in the elite Clifton suburb of Karachi. Advertisement Very few authoritative books have been written about the wide range of subversive, coercive and terrorist act¬ivities of the ISI, both domestically and beyond Pakistan’s borders. These activities have affected not just countries like India, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Myanmar. They have also extended across the Islamic world and beyond. Money has always been available for such activities, not just from the Pakistan military, but also from dubious pursuits like drug smuggling. While Americans like Bruce Reidel have written about some facets of ISI activities, Faith, Unity and Discipline—The ISI of Pakistan, written by German scholar Hein G. Kiessling, provides a comprehensive account of how the tentacles of the ISI extend from the Pakistan military, to virtually every aspect of national life in Pakistan. Kiessling also dwells on the various pursuits of the ISI, ranging from interfering in domestic politics, manipulating the media and mortally threatening individuals who come in its way, while even eliminating those found to be ‘inconvenient’. Advertisement There is focus on Nawaz Sharif’s hand-picked ISI chief, Lt Gen Javed Nasir, but Kiessling doesn’t dwell on their role in the 1993 Mumbai blasts. There’s not much on Dawood’s role too. While a British officer established the ISI during the Kashmir conflict in 1947-48, the organisation became a rea¬¬lly powerful force over the decade of 1977-1988. This was the period when General Zia-ul-Haq, with his Islamist propensities and changes in national law, set the stage for converting a relatively moderate Islamic country into a country increasingly afflicted by fundamentalist Wahabi influence, in virtually every walk of life. President Zia himself largely depended on a powerful former ISI chief, Lt. Gen. Ghulam Gilani Khan, whom he appointed as governor in Punjab, to change the political dynamics of Pakistan. It was Gilani Khan who was tasked with undermining Bhutto’s nominally secular Pakistan People’s Party, using the muscle of the fundamentalist cadres of the Jamat e-Islami and by creating and patronising a new Muslim League Party, from which the likes of Nawaz Sharif emerged into politics in Pakistan. It was thanks to the support and patronage of the ISI and the army that Sharif was able to establish his political base and, thereafter, rise to power. The book contains fascinating details of intrigues within the ISI and the tussles between successive prime ministers and army chiefs on who should appoint the ISI chief. The ISI chiefs appointed by politicians seldom lasted long and even ended up in jail. Lt Gen Khawaja Ziauddin, who was appointed ISI chief by Nawaz Sharif, was totally distrusted by Musharraf. He was not even kept informed of the Kargil intrusions by the Pakistan army. Ziauddin was appointed army chief when Nawaz rather ham-handedly attempted to sack Musharraf after the Kargil fiasco. Other ISI chiefs, like Gen Asad Durrani, landed in trouble when they were found to have attempted to rig national elections by funding Islamist groups. Then there was the case of the most bombastic ISI chief, Lt Gen Hamid Gul, who rose to fame by being one of the founders of Imran Khan’s Tehriq-e-Insaaf Party. Hamid Gul’s incompetence led to a military fiasco, when his attempts to defeat the army of the pro-Soviet Afghan leader Najibullah in a battle in Jalalabad failed and the ISI-backed Mujahideen suffered severe reverses. Kiessling dwells at length on what were really the formative years of the present day ISI during and after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. It was then, during the long military dictatorship of General Zia-ul-Haq, that the stage was set for Pakistan becoming, what is now referred to as a ‘garrison state’. Pakistan, as Kiessling establishes, is now a country where the nation’s policies are largely determined by the national security perspectives, both internal and external, set by military. The military sets its own agenda, disregarding what Pakistan’s elected leaders, or parliament, want. It is precisely this development that enabled Gen Raheel Sharif to commence massive military operations across Pakistan’s tribal areas bordering Afghanistan, without obtaining the prior permission of the elected government and parliament. If Nawaz Sharif patronised Khalistani groups worldwide and Ahl-e-Hadees groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba in Pakistan, Benazir was a founding patron of the Taliban. Kiessling dwells in some detail about the ISI role in fomenting vio¬lence and terrorism in Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir. He draws att¬ention to US concern even in 1992 at the ISI supporting armed militant groups in Jammu and Kashmir and elsewhere in India. The US then warned that Pakistan risked losing American assistance if it proceeded on this path. There is considerable focus on Nawaz Sharif’s appointment of the fundamentalist Lt Gen Javed Nasir as his ISI chief in his first term. The book, however, does not dwell adequately on the role of Nawaz and his hand-picked ISI chief during the 1993 Mumbai bomb blasts, which led to the US threatening to act against Pakistan. This was one of the factors that led to Nawaz being sacked by then president Ghulam Ishaq Khan. Moreover, Kiessling tends to overlook the fact that it was the US that encouraged Saudi Arabia to pour in millions for the Afghan jehad against the Soviet Union. It was this unholy alliance of the US, Saudi Arabia and the Pakistan military that led to the propagation and strengthening of ‘radical Islam’ in Pakistan. The author covers ISI activity in India over the past three decades. He spells out details of ISI involvement across India, but places relatively little emphasis on ISI attempts to promote Islamic radicalism within India, through groups like the SIMI and the Indian Mujahideen. There is little mention of the activities of Dawood Ibrahim and the sort of support he has received from Pakistan. This is surprising, because Dawood figures in watchlists put out by both the FBI and the US Drug Enforcement Agency. Moreover, the coverage of the 26/11 terrorist attacks makes no reference to the evidence that emerged during the trial in Chicago of David Coleman Headley and Tahawwur Hussain Rana. There is also an important fact, which is missing in the account of developments leading to the establishment of Taliban rule in Afghanistan. There is no reference to the fact what the Taliban was not a creation of the ISI, but of Benazir Bhutto and her interior minister Gen Nasrullah Babar. It was Gen Babar who pulled the Taliban out of seminaries in Pakistan, to take over southern Afghanistan. The ISI got into the act only later. Thus, if Nawaz Sharif patronised Khalistani groups worldwide and Ahl-e-Hadees groups like the Lashkar-e-Taiba in Pakistan, Benazir was one of the founding patrons of the Taliban. While missing out on some of these details, Kiessling’s The ISI of Pakistan makes interesting reading. The book provides a holistic perspective on how the policies and priorities of the ISI and the inclinations of sections of the country’s political leadership, have led Pakistan into a situation where radicalism and terrorism have become integral parts of Pakistan’s polity. The United States and Saudi Arabia are the external players primarily responsible for this situation. Those who expect overnight changes in Pakistan’s approach to terrorism dir-ected against India, should realise that the Pakistani military establishment and even sections of the political elite are not going to change their approach ever, till the political, diplomatic and financial costs become unacceptable and the terrorist groups they have raised, turn increasingly against them.

Cybersecurity is India's Achilles heel Sandeep Kumar Shukla,

Dec 25, 2016, The media is abuzz with reports of India’s quest to go digital and cashless. Are we ready to go fully digital? Never mind that only 17% of Indians own smartphones, and that mobile data costs money. Forget that poverty, illiteracy and lack of awareness is staggering, but the biggest issue is cybersecurity. Have our banks, telecom service providers, mobile phone-makers ensured security of our bank accounts, digital wallets, OTP delivery mechanism and privacy of the transactions? Has the government passed adequate cyber security laws and adopted cyber policies to ensure that a customer is not responsible for cybertheft of his/her funds? Do we have the customer service culture in place for helping victims of cybertheft? In my opinion, the answer to all these are in the negative. On October 20, we found out that 3.4 million debit card accounts were compromised with what could be a case of ATM hacking. Reported cybercrime incidents shot up from 13,301 in 2011 to 3,00,000 in 2015, according to an Assocham report. Unless legally bound, most cybercrimes remain unreported as companies do not divulge their weak defence against cyberbreaches. According to the same report, 72% of financial services and insurance companies surveyed admitted to being victimised by cyberattacks in 2015. According to a KPMG survey in 2015, 17% of the cyberattacks are by internal perpetrators and 56% were resulting from a nexus between internal and external perpetrators. Insider threat is a huge problem world over, and in India it might be worse as we see bank officials, and even the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) employees, caught recently for fraud. Protecting systems from disgruntled personnel is much harder than from external perpetrators. In 2015, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) imposed certain cybersecurity requirements for banks. The Securities and Exchange Board of India also formulated cybersecurity requirements for stock exchanges. While these requirements are comprehensive and require the banks and exchanges to implement security controls, monitor high privilege users and mandatorily report all breaches, it lacks pragmatism. I spoke to many rural and cooperative bank IT employees and found that no roadmap for gradual implementation of these requirements were provided, resulting in a huge burden on smaller banks lacking in financial wherewithal to implement all these at one go. There should be a cybersecurity maturity model and phased roll-out plan. Hiring adequately trained personnel is hard if not impossible. I have grave doubts if banks of all sizes and functions can do all these. Only paper compliance without actually defending their infrastructures will provide false sense of security. Manpower is probably our biggest problem in cybersecurity. Unfortunately, we do not have enough experts to train people. Most universities lack expertise to offer comprehensive curriculum, resulting in a severe shortage of degree programmes, diplomas or even private training to generate the requisite manpower. The policy makers seem to be confused as to what cybersecurity expertise entails. Most cybersecurity researchers in India are actually experts in cryptography, which is only a tool for cybersecurity. It is rare that a cyberattack is based on breaking cryptographic algorithms. Usually, weaknesses in the implementation of crypto-algorithms compromises a key. But the bigger dangers lurk in the network, in the routers, in the operating system, in the application software and also in the overall architecture and protocols. India mainly needs experts for securing hardware, networking, system architecture, software and protocols. According to some reports, currently we have less than 1,000 people in India with adequate cybersecurity expertise. This is a huge policy failure in projecting manpower requirements and taking actions by academics, institutes and funding agencies. A huge effort by the government is required to rectify cybersecurity manpower development. Terrifying prospects Another terrifying prospect looms in our critical infrastructure sector. Power grid, automated manufacturing, nuclear plants, railway signalling and air-traffic control are so weakly protected and unprepared for cyberattacks that it is staggering. A 2012 style blackout of vast regions of India might happen again, but this time by cyberattack. In 2013, by an act of Parliament, the National Critical Information Infrastructure Protection Centre (NCIIPC) was created. Its function should be similar to cybersecurity sections of the US Homeland Security department. However, due to severe lack of expertise, the NCIIPC has not been adequate in their role so far. The inadequate role of Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT), Delhi, in alerting the industry and research institutes must change to adopt a very proactive and leading role similar to CERT in the US. At present, they seem to be working in firefighting mode, rather than proactive threat intelligence collection, remediation, trend forecasting and warning of relevant entities along with actionable intelligence. The Information Sharing Centres (ISACs) for sector-specific cyberattacks must be proactively formed and brought to action. Except perhaps for the financial industry ISAC, other sector-specific ISACs seem to be non-existent or non-functioning. Though we have adopted a number of positive steps by creating a cybersecurity policy, established CERT and created NCIIPC, we are at least 10 years behind the US, China, Israel, UK and other countries in this regard. Severe lack of cybersecurity product industry also compromises our independence in protecting our infrastructure. The government’s intervention in creating a startup culture in cybersecurity products is urgently required. Finally, our IT law, too, is outdated. We need real experts in cybersecurity to make a revision of the IT Act and lead the various entities. We urgently need to improve by a comprehensive revision of policy, law, business environment, governance and technology innovation. Until then, we have an exposed Achilles heel and we are lucky that no Trojan prince has taken a very serious shot at us

Ex-air chief marshal SP Tyagi seems to have wandered into a minefield- Admiral Arun Prakash is a former Navy chief

opinion Updated: Dec 23, 2016 19:24 IST Arun Prakash Arun Prakash Highlight Story Every time former Air Chief Marshal SP Tyagi’s name or photograph appears in the media or he is paraded as a detainee, every serviceman will feel diminished and demoralised ‘No man is an island entire of itself; every man is a part of the main....... never send to know for whom the bell tolls; it tolls for thee.’ There is no doubt that these words of poet John Donne echoed subliminally in the mind of every soldier, sailor and airman as he watched TV footage of a man, who once headed the world’s fourth largest air force, being led into a Black Maria to be lodged in the company of criminals in jail. Given the position he held, the arrest of Air Chief Marshal (ACM) SP Tyagi by the Central Bureau of Investigation and his detention for “custodial interrogation” has shaken the armed forces’ community to the core and it should also stir our collective conscience. Read: CBI arrests former air force chief SP Tyagi in AgustaWestland chopper case This piece is not being written in defence of the man, but as an expression of anguish by a senior citizen and a cry of dismay by a veteran at this insensitive act of the State. Investigations into allegations of corruption relating to the purchase of VVIP helicopters from M/S AugustaWestland of Italy have been going on since early 2013, with bursts of sporadic activity and publicity being triggered by the actions of Italian courts. The manner in which investigations have suddenly acquired urgency is an indication of the high political stakes involved. In the steadily worsening relationship between the two national political entities, the helicopter scam may well become the deus ex machina that not only serves to settle high-level political scores, but may also tilt crucial electoral balances in the 0 2017 state elections and 2019 general elections. It is this complex web that ACM Tyagi seems to have wandered into, inadvertently or otherwise. The two main charges against him relate to ‘manipulation’ of the helicopter’s specifications to favour a particular company and the alleged subsequent quid pro quo. The procedure in the case of acquisitions by the ministry of defence (MoD) is clear. The specifications, proposed by the concerned (user) Service, require approval of the MoD and once approved can be changed only with express sanction of the defence minister. Read: Tyagi arrest: Limit discretionary power to tackle corruption in defence The case of the VVIP helicopter acquisition was unique. The machines were to be operated and maintained by the Indian Air Force, but the end user was the PMO; with the National Security Adviser and the Special Protection Group having a major say in drawing up and/or changing specifications on its behalf. Even if the IAF did suggest changes in the specifications, they would have required approval of the MoD and the PMO. The bottom line is that the three Service Chiefs have not been invested with any responsibility, authority or financial powers by the ‘Rules of Business 1962’, which guide the conduct of the Government of India. Under these rules, it is the defence secretary who has the responsibility for the department of defence – to which the Service Chiefs are adjuncts and, occasionally, advisers. So why try to pin all blame on a former Air Force Chief? From all accounts, ACM Tyagi has, so far, promptly responded to summons and cooperated fully with the investigating agencies, spending days under interrogation. Surely three years are long enough for the CBI and other agencies to have taken all concerned documents into their possession and examined his financial affairs with a fine toothcomb. There must also be adequate legal provisions, available, to restrict his movements and to ensure his continuing availability for further questioning – for as long as required. Against this background, the invocation of ‘custodial interrogation’ makes no sense, unless some medieval methodology is being contemplated. On the other hand, a respectable citizen who is incarcerated in jail, even for a few days, is publicly branded and mentally scarred for life. Whether he is eventually convicted or not, a jail term is punishment enough. Read: Chopper scam: CBI to produce former IAF chief SP Tyagi before court today This piece is not just about the fate of ACM Tyagi, it is about a much larger issue; the self-esteem of the armed forces fraternity, which has received several blows of late. Every time Tyagi’s name or photograph appears in the media or he is paraded as a detainee, every serviceman will feel diminished and demoralised. Is this what we want to inflict on our gallant armed forces at this juncture? At the same time, it is vital for the nation that the armed forces remain shining exemplars of ethical conduct and moral rectitude; their good name unblemished by any allegations of corruption. This requires that, setting aside, political considerations, ACM Tyagi be given bail and brought to trial at the very earliest. Let him prove his innocence or the State his guilt, without delay, in a court of law.

PM Modi, Parrikar to decide on chief of defence staff role next month

Shishir Gupta Major military reforms are in the offing with defence minister Manohar Parrikar slated to meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi early next month to discuss the mandate of a proposed chief of defence staff (CDS). Work has begun on creating joint commands to optimise resource utilisation among the three armed services; the Army, Navy and the Air Force. South Block sources told Hindustan Times that the Modi government has decided to appoint a CDS, a single point military adviser to the political leadership in matters of acquisition, procurement policy and resource rationalisation. The mandate for the proposed CDS will be decided by defence minister Parrikar in consultation with the PM and National Security Adviser Ajit Doval. “The new post of CDS will not be used for parking slots for super-ceded generals and a new man will be tasked with the job once work profile is clearly defined,” said a senior official. Parrikar is currently studying the report of retired General DB Shekatkar on making military more effective with better teeth-to-tail ratio. The Shekatkar committee has also identified areas where there is redundancy, and downsizing of the military could be undertaken without compromising combat effectiveness. Ads by ZINC “For example, a couple of hundred signal troopers had been deployed to listen to radio broadcasts in 1962. This unit is still functional despite it being technologically redundant. Similarly, the National Cadet Corps could be downsized by more than 50% by hiring retired soldiers,” said the official. After preferring merit to seniority in appointment of Army Chief, the defence ministry is now examining the case for a joint command as a step towards integrated theatre commands. The army, air force and navy currently operate in silos with each protecting its turf and operations. The ministry now is looking towards creating integrated structures where all three services are synergised towards military operations. For example, it is proposed that Northern Command could come under one overall commander from any one of the three services, with overall control of all military and air assets. “This does not mean that top level vacancies will be reduced. Only that there would be one overall commander in one theatre and future roles of military chiefs being redefined and refocused. Essentially, the reforms will be close to what has been done in US Armed Forces with tweaking on ground,” said a senior official. However, top defence analysts are sceptical about the theatre command concept as it not only required dedicated military resources but also command synergy at the cutting-edge levels. According to them, maybe the first step could be formation of tri-services battle groups before the theatre command concept is followed. “US has global armed presence and hence the theatre command concept works with dedicated land, air and naval assets earmarked for each command. In India, we have flexible air and naval assets that are earmarked as per operational requirement,” said an analyst

This is what our country wanted. This video clip shows Pakistan destroying fake Indian currency printed by them. Pakistan had planned to pump15 trillion notes to Indian economy. PM Narendra Modi's de-monitisation has defeated the nefarious intentions of pak and their agents within our country.

Simple Memory Tricks That Help Me Every Single Day...

How many times have you forgotten your password for something, your friend's phone number, the address for the office or the name of that guy you used to know? Sometimes we forget where we put our keys or if we turned off the oven, and when we forget, that can really take us out of balance. Here are some simple tricks to remember these things, despite our difficulties. Forgetting Boring or Mundane Details Memory - Tricks - Help Problem: You tend to forget meetings, addresses, passwords and phone numbers, as well as historic dates and birthdays. Don't take it hard. In a reality where we are flooded with huge amounts of information, the brain isn't able to process everything at once. Even though it has a folder called 'declarative memory' where it plans to keep factual information of this kind, it isn't made to remember such things, and if we don't make a special effort to remember these facts, they will have a short shelf-life. Solution: The only way to turn boring information into part of our long-term memory is to store it correctly so we can access it later. If we don't make a conscious effort, it will be gone. The best way to do this is to add meanings, as we are configured to remember such things. For example: Connect a memory to something else you never forget, like a holiday. "My niece's birthday is 2 weeks after New Year's Eve." Another great way to remember boring facts and lists is to construct a short and simple story. For instance, if you need to remember a list of numbers, break them down into a few numbers and give each a part of the story. So, if you need to remember the number 821576 (as a password or code), you can imagine a story in which an 82-year-old grandfather has 15 grandchildren and is married to a 76-year-old named Margaret. The more details you give the story (his name is Jack and he is a retired race car driver), the easier it will be to recall these numbers. Forgetting to Carry Out Automatic Tasks Memory - Tricks - Help Problem: You don't remember if you turned the stove off, turned on the washing machine or made sure no lights are left on in the house. While we do these automatic tasks, we use the 'Procedural memory', the memory we use to store chains of actions (a simple one would be to first check if any lights are on, then to turn them off). This type of long-term memory is used to carry out action chains we learned, like riding a bicycle, tying our shoelaces or making coffee. Because of the automatic nature of this action, we usually don't really concentrate on doing it, and just let our body go through the motions. Solution: In most cases in which we think we forgot to do something like this, we probably DID remember to do it. But, if you find yourselves constantly doubting yourself, attach another action to the action you're obsessing about, and use it to make sure you remember doing it. For example, every time you turn off the stove, say loudly: "I turned off the stove", or take a long sip of water. Any action that will be easy to remember will help. Then when you doubt yourself it will be much easier to remember if you have something else to remember. Forgetting People's Names Memory - Tricks - Help Problem: You run into someone you met a few days ago, but you already forgot their name! You're not alone - this is one of the most common memory problems. The problem could be in the storage of the memory (you didn't pay much attention when you met the person) or in retrieval (you can't get out the name when it counts), or just a combination of both. Solution: Most people learn visually instead of orally, which explains why we usually remember faces, but are quite bad with names. Next time you meet someone new, look at them really well and repeat their name for yourself at least three times. Use it in the conversation, as we tend to remember those better than just names. Try giving the name meaning, or rhyme it. For example, if you meet a man named Mark, you can secretly call him: "Mark of the Ark", or imagine him marking a paper. We know it sounds silly, but the more extra meanings you give to a word, the easier it will be to remember it! Remembering a collection of sounds is much harder than trying to remember an association. You Get Distracted Memory - Tricks - Help Problem: You go into a room and forget why you did so. You were looking for something, got distracted by the dog or something on TV, and then suddenly you can't remember what it was! Solution: Get a mental image of the thing you are looking for before you go look for it. If need be, associate that object with other objects or a logical chain of actions. So for instance, if you are on your way to the storage room to find your old bathing suit, on your way think of summer, pools and sunshine. This type of mental organization makes these associations to your current situation easier, and when you get there, you will not lose track of what you were doing. If you do still find yourself in that situation, ask yourself: What was the chain of actions that brought me here? The little things you were doing just before this will give you a clue as to what you are doing there. Losing Daily Items Memory - Tricks - Help Problem: You don't remember where you put the keys, wallet or your sunglasses. This is usually an attention problem. When we go into the house in a huff, while lost in thought or maybe talking on the phone, our mind wanders and we might place objects in various places without remembering where. As usual, if we don't make it clear to the brain that we must remember these things, it will let them disappear. Solution: This is a very similar problem to forgetting the lights on. Try not to put anything down while doing something else, and try to add an action to the putting down. Say: "This is where I'm putting my keys - on the armchair of the sofa." or "I'm putting my glasses in the blue box." Then you don't have to remember the exact location, just what you said, which is much easier, and even if you don't remember it perfectly, it will give you important clues of where to look. Another and perhaps even better way is to stick to your habits. This is one of those rare times when obsession actually pays off. Religiously place your items in the same place over and over again. Designate an easy-to-reach place where everything goes, and later sort them from that place into their rightful places. For instance, you can keep a big bowl next to the entry door, where you put keys, wallet, glasses etc. When you are not busy and can pay attention, go back to the bowl and put everything in its rightful place. Now that you are paying attention, you'll probably remember where they are. Having trouble Remembering...ahh...what was it? Oh yes - Words. Memory - Tricks - Help Problem: Having a hard time remembering words, names of books and plays, names of actors, old tunes etc. This is a universal problem and it gets worse the older we get. It doesn't matter how much we pressure ourselves or force ourselves to remember - it just won't happen if our minds are preoccupied. Solution: First, let go of stress. It is the killer of memory. The second worst thing for memory is multiplicity, or concentrating on a few things at once. Clear your head and focus only on the words you are trying to find. Sometimes, the word seems to be right on the tip of our tongue, but we can't get to it. Don't worry - it happens all the time and it is actually a biological process. Sometimes the actual biological pathway in the brain to that word may be blocked, and you have to find a way around. The best trick is not to think of the word itself, but think of a word that rhymes with it, or a word that has similar associations, or a word that is similar in meaning. For example: We're trying to find the word 'University', it's right on the tip of our tongue, but we can't remember it exactly. Try to think of: 'college', 'student', 'place of learning', 'municipality' etc. When the path to the brain is blocked, no amount of 'trying to remember' will help. The best way is to take an alternative route, and remember similar words. This will help you approach the word from a different direction or path

Friday, 23 December 2016

खरे तर धर्मापेक्षा धर्मांधतेचे अवडंबर माजवून जे लोक सवलती मागत आहेत त्यांच्यापेक्षा जास्त गुन्हेगार अशा सवलतीचे फतवे काढणारे राज्यकर्ते आहेत. जम्मू-कश्मीरात निर्वासित झालेल्या कश्मिरी पंडितांविषयी राज्यकर्त्यांना आस्था नाही. पंडितांना मदत व आधार नाही. पण एक अतिरेकी खलीद वानी लष्कराच्या गोळीने मारला जाताच त्याच्या कुटुंबास सरकारी खजिन्यातून मदत मिळते. हासुद्धा निधर्मीवादाचा ‘केमिकल लोच्या’च आहे. देवभूमीतील ‘नमाज ब्रेक’ने कश्मीर खोर्‍यातील इस्लामी राजवटीची आठवण करून दिली. हे जे चालले आहे ते बरे नाही, इतकेच आम्ही सांगू शकतो.-SAMNA EDITORIAL

देवभूमीतील ‘नमाज ब्रेक’! Tuesday, December 20th, 2016 देवभूमीतील ‘नमाज ब्रेक’! हिंदुस्थानमधील निधर्मीवाद म्हणजे एकप्रकारे ‘केमिकल लोच्या’ आहे. पुन्हा या निधर्मीवादाचा आम्हा हिंदू बांधवांना काही लाभ असेल तर सांगा. आताही उत्तराखंडच्या काँग्रेजी राजवटीने एक नवा ‘फतवा’ मंत्रिमंडळात मंजूर करून घेतला आहे. राज्यातील मुस्लिम शासकीय कर्मचार्‍यांना दर शुक्रवारी नमाज पढण्यासाठी ९० मिनिटांचा ‘ब्रेक’ मिळणार आहे. उत्तराखंडात विधानसभा निवडणुका तोंडावर आहेत व राज्यातील मुस्लिम मतदारांना खूश करण्यासाठी काँग्रेस सरकारने हा ‘नमाज ब्रेक’ दिला असेल तर निवडणूक आयोगाने या निर्णयाची तत्काळ दखल घेतली पाहिजे. जो उठतो तो ‘सेक्युलरवादा’च्या नावाखाली अशा दाढ्याच कुरवाळणार असेल तर हे राष्ट्र पुन्हा मोगली संस्कृतीचे गुलाम झाल्याशिवाय राहणार नाही व हिंदूंना श्‍वास घेण्यासाठीही येथे ‘पेटीएम’द्वारे ‘जिझिया’ कर भरावा लागेल. उत्तराखंडात फक्त मुसलमानच राहतात असे नाही, तर बहुसंख्य हिंदूदेखील आहेत. मुळात ही देवभूमी म्हणून ओळखली जाते. दोन वर्षांपूर्वी निसर्ग कोप होऊन देवभूमीत मोठाच हाहाकार झाला होता. माणसे व मंदिरे वाहून गेली. त्या धक्क्यातून राज्य अजून सावरलेले नसताना हा ‘नमाज बे्रक’ देऊन काँग्रेस राजवटीने आणखी एक धक्का दिला आहे. मुसलमानांना ९० मिनिटांचा नमाज ब्रेक मिळणार असेल तर हीच सवलत शासनातील हिंदू कर्मचार्‍यांना पूजा-अर्चा, अभिषेक, इतर व्रतवैकल्यासाठी मिळणार आहे काय? हिंदूंचा तर प्रत्येक वार देवाचाच. मग द्या त्यांनाही रोज ९० मिनिटांचा ब्रेक. धर्माच्या नावावर शासकीय कर्मचार्‍यांना या असल्या सवलती म्हणजे बेइमानीचे लक्षण आहे. वास्तविक देवधर्माचे जोडे बाहेर काढून कर्मचार्‍यांनी कामावर यावे व जनतेची सेवा करावी. अर्थात हे बंधन आपल्या देशात फक्त हिंदूंनीच पाळायचे असते. मुस्लिमांवर ना सरकारची तशी सक्ती असते ना धर्मांध मुस्लिम त्याची काही पर्वा करतात. त्यामुळे हिंदूंच्या सण-उत्सवांवर बंधने आणि निर्बंधांचे दांडपट्टे नेहमीच फिरतात. नवरात्रात वेळेच्या मर्यादेचे बंधन पडते. यंदा गणेशोत्सवात सार्वजनिक गणेशमूर्तींच्या उंचीवर, मंडपांच्या लांबी-रुंदीवरही मर्यादांची मोजपट्टी लावण्याचा प्रयत्न झाला. दहीहंडीतील गोविंदांचे थर तर मर्यादेच्या ‘हातोड्या’ने यावेळी कोसळलेच. दिवाळीमध्ये फटाक्यांच्या आवाजावर डेसिबलची चिकटपट्टी हमखास चिकटवली जाते. हिंदूंवर असा बंधनांचा मारा होत असला तरी मतांच्या लाचारीपायी मुस्लिमांना मात्र आपल्या देशात सवलतींचा ‘शिरकुर्मा’ खिलवला जातो. उत्तराखंड सरकारने मुस्लिम सरकारी कर्मचार्‍यांना नमाज पढण्यासाठी दिलेला ‘ब्रेक’ हा मुस्लिम लांगूलचालनाचाच भाग आहे. आज नमाज ब्रेक दिला, उद्या ईदच्या निमित्ताने शासकीय कचेर्‍यांत कुर्बानीचे बकरे कापण्याचीही परवानगी दिली जाईल. हवाई दलात धर्माच्या आधारे दाढी ठेवण्यास मनाई करणारा हुकूम सर्वोच्च न्यायालयाने बजावला आहे. सरकारी कामावर असताना धर्माच्या नावावर नमाज पढणे किंवा दाढी ठेवणे हा कोणाचाच मूलभूत हक्क वगैरे असूच शकत नाही असे न्यायालयाने स्पष्ट केले आहे. तरीही उत्तराखंडसारखे मुस्लिमधार्जिणे निर्णय केवळ राजकीय स्वार्थासाठी घेतले जात आहेत. खरे तर धर्मापेक्षा धर्मांधतेचे अवडंबर माजवून जे लोक सवलती मागत आहेत त्यांच्यापेक्षा जास्त गुन्हेगार अशा सवलतीचे फतवे काढणारे राज्यकर्ते आहेत. जम्मू-कश्मीरात निर्वासित झालेल्या कश्मिरी पंडितांविषयी राज्यकर्त्यांना आस्था नाही. पंडितांना मदत व आधार नाही. पण एक अतिरेकी खलीद वानी लष्कराच्या गोळीने मारला जाताच त्याच्या कुटुंबास सरकारी खजिन्यातून मदत मिळते. हासुद्धा निधर्मीवादाचा ‘केमिकल लोच्या’च आहे. देवभूमीतील ‘नमाज ब्रेक’ने कश्मीर खोर्‍यातील इस्लामी राजवटीची आठवण करून दिली. हे जे चालले आहे ते बरे नाही, इतकेच आम्ही सांगू शकतो. - See more at:

One thing is absolutely clear: Kashmiri leaders, without any exception, are not just separatist and half-separatist, but they are also rabidly anti-Jammu and anti-Hindu. New Delhi should understand this stark reality and take a final decision that frees Jammu and Ladakh from the 70-year-old Kashmiri Sunni rule

It was on 6 December 2016 that a great news of sorts broke for the first time in 70 years for the suffering Hindu (mostly Dalit) and Sikh refugees from Pakistan – all leading a wretched life in Jammu and its Kathua and Samba districts, since their migration in the wake of the communal partition of India. It said the Jammu & Kashmir government will issue domicile certificates and Scheduled Caste certificates to them and there will be reservation for them in the Central forces, including five battalions of Indian Reserve Force, which were being raised in Jammu & Kashmir (Daily Excelsior, 6 December). Notwithstanding the fact that they had been demanding full-citizenship rights in Jammu & Kashmir ever since their migration from Sialkot and surrounding villages in the then West Pakistan, the thrilled refugees celebrated the day as a day of thanksgiving. They expressed hope that Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who had during the 2014 Lok Sabha election campaign held out a solemn commitment that the refugees from Pakistan shall be granted citizenship rights, will one day surely grant them all their natural rights in Jammu & Kashmir, including the right to property, right to vote in the Assembly and local body elections, right to government jobs, right to higher education and right to a bank loan. They said in joy that “a good beginning has been made by taking a decision on issuing domicile and Scheduled Caste certificates to them” (The Tribune, 10 December). However, it was on 20 December that the designated or the authorised Naib-Tehsildars in Jammu province started issuing domicile certificates to the refugees. Talking to Greater Kashmir, Divisional Commissioner, Jammu, Pawan Kotwal said: “Following the orders of the government of India, the state government has authorised Naib-Tehsildars to issue domicile certificates to the West Pakistan refugees in which it is mentioned that they came from Pakistan and at present reside in Jammu & Kashmir at such and such address. The refugees were facing problems while applying for Central government jobs. The government of India found a way out and issued an order to the state government to issue certificates to the West Pakistan refugees with a specific format mentioning that they reside in Jammu & Kashmir. This was not a permanent resident certificate (PRC) but just an authentication that the West Pakistan refugees reside in Jammu & Kashmir”. The clarification given by Kotwal was unambiguous and he left no scope for vested interests in Kashmir to interpret the decision taken purely on humanitarian grounds to mitigate some of the hardships faced by the refugees whose “life was not one of political and economic aspirations but of toil and penury”. It was hoped that Kashmiri leaders, both mainstream and separatist, will appreciate the spirit behind the rather belated decision and not raise a hue and cry considering their own no-holds-barred propaganda about the sanctity of human rights. But this was not to be. They took no time to denounce the state government and the Union government for the otherwise humane approach to the 70-year-old human problem and in one voice said that an insidious influence was at work to change the Muslim-majority character and constitutional character of Jammu & Kashmir. They termed the decision a deep-rooted conspiracy. Self-elected chairman of Democratic Freedom Party (DFP) Shabbir Ahmad Shah, the so-called Nelson Mandela of Kashmir, was the first to oppose the decision. “The government’s move of issuing the domicile certificates to West Pakistan refugees is a well-planned conspiracy against the Muslim majority status of Jammu & Kashmir. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) by playing a major role in this regard has exposed its anti-Kashmir stance. This is a well-planned conspiracy of saffron brigade and PDP. The Mufti-led government is so obsessed with power that it doesn’t consider even its own consequences… The people of the state (read Kashmiri-speaking well-entrenched Sunnis) will resist such move tooth and nail,” he said (Greater Kashmir, 21 December, Latest News). Immediately thereafter, Syed Ali Shah Geelani, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq and Yasin Malik also took the plunge. They issued a joint statement, which, besides rejecting outright the decision of the Union government and its compliance by the Jammu & Kashmir government, also asked the people of Kashmir to strike work on Friday (23 December). The atrocious statement, inter-alia, read like this: “Issuing domicile certificates to West Pakistan refugees, Supreme Court verdict on Jammu & Kashmir over Securitisation and Reconstruction of Financial Assets and Enforcement of Security Interest Act, 2002, (SARFAESI Act), are the challenges to the sovereignty of Jammu & Kashmir. Allowing outside banks to confiscate and hold properties in Jammu & Kashmir are the issues of life and death for our existence as Muslims and Kashmiris. The PDP has again started working on its anti-Kashmir and anti-Muslim agenda but people of Jammu & Kashmir will not hesitate to offer any sacrifice to oppose such actions tooth and nail. These maneuvers (are) an attempt to change the demography of Jammu & Kashmir”. It was independent MLA from Langate, Er Rasheed, a known Pakistani, who abused New Delhi and the Jammu & Kashmir government all the more. He, in a most brazen manner, said that Delhi was conducting itself in Kashmir like Israel had been conducting itself in Palestine and also asked Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti either to snap ties with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or step down in the interest of Kashmir. Asking Mufti to “break her ties” with the BJP and step down without “befooling the people further,” Rasheed said: “The move to grant domicile to lakhs of West Pakistan refugees is a calculated move to change the demography of the state. The government of India is doing exactly the same what Israelis did in Palestine… Mehbooba Mufti is bulldozing the rights of the majority community and breaking all the previous records of traitors since 1947” (Rising Kashmir, 22 December). Not content with what the separatists of all hues said about the hapless refugees, the Narendra Modi Government and the Mehbooba Mufti-led PDP-BJP coalition, the main opposition National Conference (NC) and the Jammu & Kashmir Pradesh Congress Committee chief also took the plunge in a most shameful and insensitive manner. “Since the issue (issuance of domicile certificates) was debatable, the Chief Minister should have called an all-party meeting on it. It was the PDP which was vehemently opposing granting of domicile certificate to West Pakistan refugees,” JKPCC chief Ghulam Ahmad Mir said. “Granting of domicile to West Pakistan refugees is an attack on the state’s special position,” he, in fact, said (Greater Kashmir, 22 December). The NC general secretary and former law minister Ali Mohammad Sagar also spoke the separatists’ language and said the decision to grant citizenship rights was an attack on the state’s special position. “This move is aimed at changing demography of Jammu & Kashmir. They (BJP) want to reduce the Muslim majority of the state into minority. New Delhi is calling shots in Kashmir. We feel pity on Mehbooba Mufti’s helplessness before state BJP and the Centre. The BJP’s candid admission that the move will pave the way for granting state subject rights to West Pakistan refugees, exposes the nefarious designs behind the move,” he, among other things, said (Greater Kashmir, 22 December). It needs to emphasised that all the refugees from Pakistan reside in Jammu and not one in Kashmir or Ladakh. That all the Kashmiri leaders, separatists and the so-called mainstream Kashmiri leaders (all Sunni) joined hands and spoke in one voice or opposed as one man the humanitarian decision only demonstrated the height of their insensitivity and their contempt for the Hindus and Sikhs. One thing is absolutely clear: Kashmiri leaders, without any exception, are not just separatist and half-separatist, but they are also rabidly anti-Jammu and anti-Hindu. New Delhi should understand this stark reality and take a final decision that frees Jammu and Ladakh from the 70-year-old Kashmiri Sunni rule. Why should they groan under the yoke of Kashmiri Sunnis rule when they hate them and also long for forcing down their throat their pernicious solution based on the two-nation concept? Enough is enough