In a bid to enhance food security, the Pakistani military is transitioning from tanks to tractors by acquiring extensive parcels of government-owned land. However, this initiative is triggering concerns about the military's ever-present influence in a nation grappling with economic turmoil.
This undertaking, occurring two decades
after a deadly uprising sparked by pay disputes at a military-run farm,
coincides with Pakistan's struggle with depleting foreign currency reserves
that hinder its capacity to import essential food and commodities. Protests
have erupted due to surging electricity bills related to the terms of an
International Monetary Fund bailout.
Launched earlier this year through a
collaborative effort between civil and military entities, the new food security
plan seeks to bolster agricultural production on state land leased to army-run
farms. Advocates assert that this will result in higher crop yields and water
conservation. However, the blueprint faces legal challenges and criticism for
potentially diverting profits to a military ill-suited for a task that could
benefit some of Pakistan's 25 million rural landless individuals.
While land is frequently allocated to
active and retired military personnel for private use, the latest transfer
could potentially establish the Pakistani military as the country's largest
landowner, according to critics.
An environmental lawyer, representing
the Public Interest Law Association of Pakistan in challenging the land
transfer, remarked, "The role of the army is to defend against external
threats and assist the civilian government when requested, nothing more,
nothing less."
Numerous specifics of the plan remain
unclear, including the timeline for full farm operation. On paper, the army
aims to acquire up to 1 million acres of land in Punjab province, an area
approximately 5,500 times the size of Beijing's Forbidden City or nearly three
times the size of Delhi. Most of this land is situated in the Cholistan Desert,
an arid region susceptible to water shortages. Additionally, around 110,000
acres of land in adjacent districts are slated for transfer.
Although the Lahore High Court initially
halted the army's land transfer, this ruling was later overturned by another
bench in July.
The military has been granted leases for
up to 30 years to cultivate cash crops like wheat, cotton, sugar cane, as well
as vegetables and fruits. Leaked government documents suggest that 20% of any
profit will be allocated for agricultural research and development, with the
remainder divided equally between the army and the state government.
Fongrow, a subsidiary of an army
conglomerate established to provide employment for retired military personnel,
has already developed a 2,250-acre corporate farm in Punjab, specializing in
cotton and corn. Their website claims a remarkable 135% increase in average
crop yields.
However, it remains uncertain whether
any of the land earmarked for transfer is currently under cultivation or
controlled by small landowners. Converting a desert into fertile agricultural
land presents another unanswered challenge.
"Typically, army officers have
limited farming knowledge," remarked one expert. "There are numerous
agricultural graduates without jobs who possess the necessary skills to handle
this task."
Past experiences with army-operated
farms have also raised eyebrows. The military has managed farms inherited from
the British colonial era for decades. In 2000, a revolt erupted when the army
attempted to replace a crop-sharing system with cash payments at a vast site in
Punjab. It was revealed that the military's land lease had expired almost 70
years earlier, leading to a crackdown that resulted in numerous arrests and the
deaths of at least four farmers. In that case, "the benefits accrued to
the military, even though the farms themselves were tilled by tenant farmers
who were essentially treated like serfs."
Pakistan's military, which already
wields significant influence in the nation of around 230 million, gained more
authority through recent controversial legislation that legalized all past,
current, and future army-government ventures aimed at bolstering national
development or strategic interests. These changes come as elections are
expected, and public frustration mounts over the imprisonment of former Prime
Minister Imran Khan on corruption charges, which he attributed to the army
chief of staff.
It's reported that even more land for
corporate farming is being offered to Gulf states and China through the
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Local media have quoted the army's
chief as seeking approximately $100 billion in investment from these countries,
including farm projects, which could facilitate substantial agreements between
foreign firms and the Pakistani military.
However, the Pakistani government's own
policy documents advocate for an alternative approach to addressing food shortages
by investing in small farmers and equipping them with the necessary skills to
produce their own food, suggesting a different path toward food security in the
country.
काबूलमधील शिखांवर झालेल्या क्रूर हल्ल्याच्या बातमीचं महत्व आणि अर्थ बहुदा भारतीयांच्या लक्षात आलेला नाही, किंवा तो लक्षात घेण्याची त्याना गरज वाटली नसावी. अफगाणिस्थान आणि पाकिस्तान मधील धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यांकांवर होणारे हे असे हल्ले जागतिक मानवाधिकार संरक्षकांचे लक्ष वेधून घेण्याइतके फारसे महत्वाचे नसतात कदाचित, पण भारताच्या अंतर्गत आणि आंतरराष्ट्रीय सुरक्षिततेच्या दृष्टीने, काबूलमधील हा हल्ला अतिशय गंभीर आणि विलक्षण असाच मानावा लागेल. भारतीय सुरक्षा आणि हेरखात्यामध्ये ही धोक्याची घंटा वाजली असेलच. या हल्ल्यामधील दोन हल्लेखोर केरळ मधील कासारगोड जिल्ह्यातले होते, आणि ते चार वर्षांपूर्वी अन्य 24 प्रशिक्षित युवकांबरोबर, इसिसकरता लढण्यासाठी इथून सिरीयात गेले होते, ही बाब भारतीय राज्यव्यवस्थेसाठी सर्वाधिक गंभीर आणि चिंताजनक आहे.