GETTING A GRIP ON ISSUES REGARDING FORWARD AREAS-senior or junior, bureaucrats serving in the ministries of Defence, Home Affairs and Finance, should spend a weekend every month in the border areas. It should be seen as a ‘refresher course'

Thursday, 03 November 2016 | Claude Arpi | Whether senior or junior, bureaucrats serving in the ministries of Defence, Home Affairs and Finance, should spend a weekend every month in the border areas. It should be seen as a ‘refresher course' Something made my Diwali special this year: Prime Minister Narendra Modi spent the day with officers and jawans of the Indian Army, the Indo-Tibetan Border Police Force (ITBPF) and the Dogra Scouts who man the Tibet-India border in Kinnaur and Lahaul-Spiti districts of Himachal Pradesh. The borders have always been neglected by Indian politicians, mostly busy preparing for the next election in their constituencies. It is truly a positive development to see the Prime Minister visiting the borders. Though it was announced that Modi would be with the ITBPF at the Mana border post in Uttarakhand’s Chamoli district, he finally went to Kinnaur. Probably for security concerns, a diversionary announcement was made. After landing at Chango, an Army and ITBP camp in Lahaul-Spiti, the Prime Minister travelled to Sumdo in Kinnaur district, where he distributed sweets to the jawans: “Our forces endure grave hardships for our security. If we remember them while being in a festive mood, our remembrance will give them strength and renewed energy”, he declared. The Prime Minister is reported to have said, “Because you guard our borders, people sleep at night. If you were not on the borders, people couldn’t have slept.” Modi’s visit is crucial because India is facing a worrying situation on its borders; not only on the Line of Control (LoC) with Pakistan, but also on the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China. Between 200 and 300 Chinese intrusions occur inside Indian territory every year; for the sake of ‘normalisation’ with Beijing, Delhi usually keeps silent. The Army and the paramilitary forces are deployed from Karakoram Pass in Ladakh to Jachep La in Arunachal Pradesh along the 3488 km Indo-Tibet border. Apart from the young Minister of State for Home Affairs, Kiren Rijiju, how many senior politicians have visited these forward areas? The fingers of one hand are too many to count them. But the time has come that not only Ministers, but babus too should be sent to forward areas; it is the only way for them to know the life and the difficulties faced by those manning these inhospitable posts. This is particularly true for senior IAS and IPS officers. Remember former Defence Minister George Fernandes, who sent his ministry’s bureaucrats to Siachen to make them understand the use of snowmobiles? Whether senior or junior, bureaucrats serving in the Ministry of Defence, Home Affairs or Finances, should spend a weekend every month in the border areas. It should not be seen as a punishment, but as a ‘refresher course’, to better understand and deal with the situation on the LOC and the LAC. However the Modi Government should take a step further. The civil administration in these Himalayan areas is still in the hands of young IAS officers, ill-equipped and often unwilling to go through the hardships necessary to interact and help the locals. Today, there is an acute need for a special cadre to administer India’s borders, principally in the Himalaya. The Government should take the first step in this direction, even if it ruffles some feathers, particularly within the all-powerful IAS/IPS lobbies. It is worth noting that Jawaharlal Nehru did it, though out of romantic concerns. He believed in the ‘noble savage’ described by French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau: “Nothing is so gentle as man in his primitive state, when placed by nature at an equal distance from the stupidity of brutes and the fatal enlightenment of civil man.” Nehru had similar beliefs about the inhabitants of the North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA) and other border areas. He took the great initiative in creating a separate cadre for India's frontiers, mainly NEFA, Tibet, Sikkim and Bhutan. In 1953-54, the first batch of officers, drawn mainly from the Army but also from the All-India services, was posted on the frontiers. The initial recruitment to the Indian Frontier Administrative Service (IFAS) was made through a Special Selection Board with representatives from the Ministries of External and Home Affairs and Defence, along with an expert in tribal affairs, Verrier Elwin, the Indian-naturalised anthropologist, author of The Philosophy of NEFA. Sixty years later, one realises that, though the idea was good, the over-romantic views about the border population amounted to the segregation of a large chunk of the Indian population. KC Johorey, who later became Chief Secretary of Goa, was one of the first pioneers who joined the IFAS. He still remembers what Nehru told his batch: “The staff must go along with the flag and the typewriters can follow later on.” Johorey recalls his first posting in Along in the Siang Frontier Division, “There were two houses, one for the burra sahib [for Yusuf Ali, his boss], and behind another smaller hut. The houses were really huts made of bamboos, palm leaves and canes. Even the tables and the beds were of bamboos. There were no mattresses, no electricity and no furniture. The houses were very clean and airy. That was all”, Johorey recalls. One of the most famous members of the IFAS is Major Ranenglao ‘Bob’ Khathing, who single-handedly brought Tawang under Indian administration in February 1951. Unfortunately, Verrier Elwin could only see the anthropological side of the issue, forgetting the strategic as well the economic aspects of border development. The IFAS, an ad hoc creation of Nehru, was dissolved in the mid-1960s and the intrepid IFAS officers were ‘merged’ into the ‘ordinary’ IFS, IAS or IPS. It is perhaps time to review the concept and create a Indo-Tibet Border Administrative Service, with daring officers coming from different walks of life (perhaps mainly from the Army to start with), but who would be willing to undertake the vital task to develop Indian frontiers. The IAS is today not fit for the job, though young dynamic IAS officers would be welcome in the new service. A similar issue was recently highlighted by Brigadier V Mahalingam (retd) in The Times of India’s blog. He mentioned the case of the Border Security Force (BSF). On October 1, recruitment was held for 10 vacancies, as against 22 sanctioned posts of Inspector General (IG) of the force. Mahalingan writes: “Apparently, the appointment of nine IPS officers as IGs in the force was meant to fill up nine out of the 10 upgraded vacancies, leaving just one vacancy for the BSF cadre officers. Does that mean that there are shortages in DIG-ranked BSF officers in the 2,57,025 strong force with 186 operational battalions to fill up the vacancies of IGs?” The solution to properly managing the border areas is to create a specialised cadre for which appointments will be based on merit either from the Army or through lateral entry. And from the existing cadres, if they fit the bill

Fifth airfield opened in Arunachal Close to China border, refurbished landing ground to aid movement of troops, material

Tribune News Service New Delhi, November 3 More than 54 years after India was caught napping due to poor infrastructure during the 1962 Chinese aggression, yet another airfield in north-eastern state of Arunachal Pradesh has been opened for military use. This is the fifth such airfield to be upgraded under a long-winded plan for rapid deployment of artillery guns, troops and even tanks. An Advanced Landing Ground (euphuism for British-era mud-paved landing strip) at Mechuka, located in Yargyap river valley of West Siang district of Arunachal Pradesh, has been upgraded to a paved runaway. The Indian Air Force today said it had landed its biggest transport plane, the Boeing C-17, at the 6,200-ft-high airfield. The plane can carry some 70 tonnes of load. The airfield is located near the Mcmahon Line (the boundary with China) and the nearest air/rail head is at Dibrugarh, about 500 km through mountains which are landslide-prone, stretching the travel time to two days. The landing of C-17 is a quantum jump from the existing capability of AN-32 and C-130J aircraft. Such airlift capability facilitates critical requirement of transfer of men and material in this rugged terrain of several adjacent river valleys, interspersed by high mountain ranges that inhibit road connectivity. Besides Mechuka, airfileds at Ziro, Along, Walong and Passighat are the other ones which have been opened. Passighat allows fighter jet operations. The last of the ALGs at Tuting is expected to open by the year-end while the helicopter landing ground at Tawang would be ready by mid-2017. The British had created small mud-paved landing grounds during the World War-II for their Burma and east India operations. The existing ALGs are too small in length and allow only very small aircraft to land and have a non-existent ground support. These are rendered unusable during rains. These airfields dot various folds of the Himalayas in Arunachal and cover an east-west axis, bringing the IAF and Army’s rapid deployment capabilities much closer to the Mcmahon Line

Looming threat of a post-Internet Kashmir Internet penetration in the Valley could radically transform the landscape in favour of global jihadist groups Nikhil Raymond Puri

L At a recent conference held in New Delhi, Union information technology minister Ravi Shankar Prasad announced the Centre’s goal of using the Internet to deliver government services to rural parts of Jammu and Kashmir. The irony of the event was not lost on protesting conference participants: As the minister spoke, the Kashmir Valley witnessed the 108th day of Internet restrictions imposed following the 8 July killing of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani. This contradictory approach—of harnessing the Internet’s promise while simultaneously restricting its availability—is unsustainable and indicative of the Indian state’s unpreparedness to deal with a digitized Kashmir. The Valley is adopting a new normal in which Kashmiris are increasingly linked to the world of the Web. Unless New Delhi takes pre-emptive measures, this trend towards mass Internet penetration could radically transform the landscape in favour of global jihadist groups and ideologies. When Burhan Wani joined the Hizbul Mujahideen in 2011, roughly 3% of Jammu and Kashmir’s population had ready access to the Internet. By the time he was killed five years later, the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India classified more than 27% of the state’s residents as Internet users. Wani rode this initial wave of Internet penetration to make an impressive impact. Along with his associates in south Kashmir, he rebranded the Hizbul Mujahideen’s violent campaign to give it a deceptively indigenous appearance, and made militancy seem uncharacteristically democratic: You no longer had to be Syed Salahuddin or Hafiz Saeed to have your picture seen and message heard by millions of people. More generally, Wani was able to demonstrate to disgruntled Kashmiris that the Internet as a medium welcomes their discontent. In the near term, Wani’s example will likely encourage tech-savvy militant entrepreneurs to follow in his footsteps and seek celebrity status by associating themselves with locally established militant outfits. In the longer term, however, Internet penetration could mature to promote violent religious ideologies over the militant nationalistic ones currently in vogue. Since the early 1990s, a handful of leaders have monopolized the separatist space, relying on the vernacular press to dictate what people believe, when they close their shops, and how readily they jeopardize their educational prospects for a life of militancy or stone pelting. In a contained environment of top-down information flows, separatist leaders have more or less ensured that disaffection with New Delhi translates into one of their two endorsed outcomes: commitment to azadi, or support for Kashmir’s merger with Pakistan. All of this changes with Internet penetration. Once connectivity pervades Kashmiri households, the interests of men like Syed Ali Shah Geelani, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, Shabir Ahmad Shah and Yasin Malik will have to compete with an entire universe of alternative pull factors. The Valley’s separatist leaders have already lost legitimacy among a section of Kashmiris, who argue that the Hurriyat men pretend to represent the Kashmiri people while serving only themselves. Indeed, most former militants interviewed by this author believe separatists are opportunistic “double agents”, lining their pockets in the cosy space between New Delhi and Islamabad’s corrupting tendencies. Though these former combatants acknowledge that separatist leaders currently retain the capacity to mobilize thousands of followers, they have no doubt that support for Hurriyat leaders is diminishing steadily. Continued Internet penetration will likely precipitate this breakdown of established power structures. As separatists lose their monopoly over the realm of discontent, the latter stands to become increasingly permeable to foreign ideologies—including those of Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State—that have thus far struggled to gain currency in Kashmir. The ability of heretofore unwelcome ideologies to find a receptive audience in the Valley will also depend on the persistence of what one may reasonably call omnidirectional disaffection. Over the years, Islamabad has lost favour with many Kashmiris for derailing what began as a struggle for azadi. Hurriyat leaders may await a similar fate as a growing mass of Kashmiris lose faith in their performance as “representatives”. But the accounts of former militants suggest New Delhi should not expect to benefit from this growing dislike for its traditional foes. While these men initially befriended Pakistan because it was India’s enemy, their subsequent disillusionment with Islamabad has not translated into reduced animosity towards the Indian state. Instead, these individuals have come to exhibit omnidirectional disaffection, simultaneously opposing all involved parties: India, Pakistan, as well as the separatist camp. Because they perceive an absence of allies in their immediate environment, young men harbouring such disaffection could seek proximate shelter in religion, before anchoring themselves—via the Internet—to violent ideologies flourishing farther afield. In times of crisis, a reactive New Delhi has sought to contain the Internet’s disruptive potential by blocking social media platforms and suspending Internet access altogether. As the Valley’s population becomes increasingly reliant on the Web, however, turning off the tap will not remain an option. Instead, the Indian state ought to focus on the more worthwhile task of addressing deep-seated Kashmiri grievances, for the latter alone can keep mass Internet penetration in the Valley from being a truly wonderful thing

Indian Army locked in stand-off with Chinese troops over irrigation project in Leh: Reports Around 55 People's Liberation Army personnel forcefully stopped construction work undertaken under the MNREGA scheme in Demchok sector.

Indian troops have reportedly been locked in a stand-off with the Chinese Army in Ladakh since Wednesday, PTI reported. The People's Liberation Army personnel is believed to have stopped an irrigation canal project in the area on Wednesday afternoon prompting Indo-Tibetan Border Police personnel to rush to the spot to intervene. However, the Indian Army played down the media reports. "[There are] routine objections and clarifications which either party seek whenever there is construction related activity. The issue is being resolved through established mechanisms," an Army official told NDTV even as reports surfaced about an Indian Air Force aircraft landing very close to the border with China on Thursday. The stand off reportedly started when a group of around 55 Chinese Army personnel forcefully stopped the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act project in the Demchok sector of Leh. They are believed to have said the construction work could not continue because the project did not have the requisite permission from Beijing. However, the Indian Army contended that such permission was required only in case of defence projects. Seventy Indian Army personnel have fortified the area to stop the Chinese troops from moving any farther into Indian territory, PTI reported. The region has been a bone of contention between India and China as both countries dispute each other’s claims over the area and the Line of Actual Control. The countries share around 4,000 km of disputed and unsettled boundaries running from Jammu and Kashmir to Arunachal Pradesh. In 2014, an irrigation project under the MNREGA scheme in the area led to a similar situation after the PLA raised objections against it. Relations between the two countries have deteriorated over the past year because of several factors, including China’s displeasure over the Dalai Lama possibly visiting Arunachal Pradesh, and a boycott of Chinese goods sold in Indian markets. China has also blocked India’s bid to ban Jaish-e-Mohammad chief Masood Azhar at the United Nations, and is continuing plans for its Economic Corridor with Pakistan in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Ties have also been affected by the worsening of India’s relations with Pakistan

जगलो...वाचलो...तर नक्की भेटू... - संतोष धायबर गुरुवार, 3 नोव्हेंबर 2016

जय महाराष्ट्र! भारत-पाकिस्तान सीमेवरून फौजी बोलतोय. दिवाळीच्या सर्वांना हार्दिक शुभेच्छा.... तुम्हालाही शुभेच्छा, कसे आहात... महाराष्ट्रात कधी येणार आहात.... सीमेवर सध्या युद्धजन्य परिस्थिती आहे...जगलो...वाचलो...तर नक्की भेटू...भारत माता की जय. पत्रकार व एका जवानामधील हा संवाद. महाराष्ट्रातील एक जवान प्रत्येक सणाला न चुकता मोबाईलच्या माध्यमातून शुभेच्छा देतो. आमच्या दोघांमधील संवाद हा केवळ 10 ते 12 सेंकदाचाच. परंतु, हा संवाद देशप्रेम म्हणजे काय असते, हे दाखवून देतो. पत्रकारिता क्षेत्रात काम करत असल्यामुळे हा जवान प्रत्येक सणाच्या शुभेच्छा इतरांपर्यंत पोचविण्याचा संदेश माझ्याकडे देत असतो. गेल्या दोन वर्षांपासून न चुकता प्रत्येक सणाला फोन येतोच. या जवानाचा रविवारी (ता. 30) म्हणजेच लक्ष्मीपूजनाच्या दिवशी फोन आला. प्रथम जय महाराष्ट्र हे शब्द ऐकू आल्यानंतर ऊर भरून आला. शुभेच्छा दिल्यानंतर विचारपूस केली. सीमेवर सध्या युद्धजन्य परिस्थिती आहे. "जगलो वाचलो तर नक्की भेटू...भारत माता की जय...", एवढे बोलून जवानाने मोबाईल बंद केला. देशभर दिवाळी मोठ्या उत्साहात साजरी होत असताना आपले जवान कुटुंबियांपासून दूर आहेत. डोळ्यात तेल घालून देशसेवा करत आहेत. या जवानांमुळेच आपण सुखाने झोपू शकतो आणि त्यांच्याच ‘वन रॅंक वन पेन्शन’च्या (ओआरओपी) मुद्यावरून सध्या देशभर राजकारण सुरू आहे. जवानांबद्दल कोणी राजकारण केले की मनात चीड निर्माण होते. ‘सीमेवर तैनात असताना कोणती वेळ कशी असेल? हे काहीच माहित नसते. सीमेवर असताना फक्त एकच विचार सुरू असतो तो म्हणजे देशाचा. देशाच्या विविध भागांवरील सीमांवर वेगवेगळ्या प्रकारचे वातावरण अनुभवयाला मिळते. उन, वारा, पाऊस व थंडीमध्ये उभे राहून आमचे जवान बंधू देशसेवा करतात. देशप्रेम काय असते हे फक्त सीमेवर असतानाच कळते,‘ असे एक जवान मित्र सांगतो. ‘वन रॅंक वन पेन्शन’च्या मुद्यावरून रामकिशन ग्रेवाल या माजी सैनिकाने बुधवारी (ता. 2) आत्महत्या केली. सैनिकाच्या आत्महत्येवरून मोठे राजकारण झाले. देशभर राजकारणाच्या बातम्यांचे रकानेच्या रकाने भरून आले. राजकारण झाले...प्रसिद्धीही झाली. सरकारकडून ‘ओआरओपी’ची मागणी पूर्ण होत नसल्यामुळे आत्महत्या करत आहे, असे लष्करात 30 वर्षे सेवा केलेल्या ग्रेवाल यांनी मुलाला शेवटच्या क्षणी फोन करून सांगितले. जवानांना आत्महत्या करण्याची वेळ का येते? याचा प्रत्येकाने नक्कीच विचार करायला हवा. ग्रेवाल यांच्या आत्महत्येमुळे म्हणा अन्य कोणत्या कारणामुळे ‘ओआरओपी’ची मागणी पूर्णही होईल. पण, यासाठी कोणा एकाचा जीव जायलाच हवा का? ऐन तारुण्याच्या काळात सीमेवर उभे राहून देशसेवा बजावलेल्या जवानांना आत्महत्या करण्याची वेळच येऊ नये, अशी आपली व्यवस्था हवी. देशातील विविध राज्यांमधील आमदारांच्या वा खासदारांच्या वेतनात किंवा निवृत्तीवेतनात वाढ होते. मात्र, वेतन वा निवृत्तीवेतनात वाढ करावी म्हणून लोकप्रतिनिधी कधी उपोषणाला बसल्याचे दिसत नाही. तशी त्यांच्यावर वेळही येऊ नये; मात्र त्याचवेळी एखाद्या जवान देशातील इतर जवानांसाठी आत्महत्येचा मार्ग पत्करावा लागत असेल, तर आपल्या व्यवस्थेत कुठेतरी काही चुकीचे घडतेय, हेही समजून घ्यायला हवे. प्रत्येक घटनेचे राजकीय भांडवल होऊ नये, ही अपेक्षा आहेच. शिवाय, एखाद्याला आत्महत्येसारख्या टोकाच्या मार्गावर नेण्याइतकी व्यवस्थाही निर्ढावू नये. लोकांच्या अपेक्षा आणि व्यवस्थेत बॅलन्स असायला हवाच. तो नेमका चुकतोय की काय, असं वाटतंय

MUST READ CYBER SECURITY BANKING SECURITY INSTRUCTIONS FROM BANK OF INDIA

Frauds are now more prevalent than ever before. Fraudsters use different methods to compromise the credentials of the innocent people to siphon off money from their accounts and cards. While we, at our bank, engage all security measures and enforce them to protect the funds and interest of our customers through matured processes, technology and trained people, the threats cannot be fully addressed without your support and participation. After all, it is all dependent on the people who provide services and who avail them. Phishing, Vishing, Smishing, Spear-phishing Fraudsters try to capture your personal and private information through e_mails, duplicate web pages which look like as if it is from the original source but are actually from a duplicate source (phishing), asking over telephone (vishing) or through SMSs (smishing) impersonating as someone from the Bank. In spear-phishing the fraudsters pose as a relative or someone important from the customer’s workplace or employer. Please note that Bank Officials NEVER ask for or seek these confidential details / information from their customers/clients through telephone calls or emails. Such sensitive information should never be disclosed to anybody. Malware, Spyware, Virus These are small malicious programs which steal data and does harm the computer. Do’s ◾Always look for the HTTPS padlock symbol in the browser bar which tells that the communication is in readable format. ◾Always type the URL (www.bankofindia.co.in) in the browser to access Bank’s sites as links may take you to a spoofed site which will ask for details for fraudulent use later on. ◾Malware/Trojans can sit in the device and steal information and send to fraudsters. Update the anti-virus/anti-malware/anti-spyware/personal firewall systems (OS and App) patches. Use the latest browser version. Smart Phones get affected by malware, so be carefull. ◾Check your accounts regularly. ◾Always use machines/phones that belong to you or from trusted sources. Always log-off after the jobs are done. ◾Clear the temporary files of your browser regularly. Don’ts •Do not reply/respond to unsolicited emails, calls or messages. Delete the suspicious mails. •Do not click on any links provided in any email or other sites asking for personal or bank details. Do not download any files through embedded links from such mails. Do not provide any information in pop-ups. •Do not rely on from field of the emails / messages as it might have been spoofed. Do not call any number provided in the mails. If you have slightest doubt that it is fake or a strong feeling that it is genuine, call the Bank/sender through its help desk/phone numbers to confirm. •Do not use public machines like in cyber cafes or airports etc. •Do not store personal details in your PC/laptop/phone. Do not just close the browser, but log out properly. •Do not share the details in any social networking site or social groups, whatever security they may offer. •Do not download free software unless you are very sure about the authenticity of it. •Do not use unlicensed software or programs. •Do not use external media like USB storages and CDs from untrusted/unknown sources without testing/scanning it for viruses etc. What would you do if you become a victim? Change your Passwords immediately. Inform the Bank immediately. Register your phone number and e-mail with the bank to receive alerts. For any further assistance please call on our Call Centre Number: 1800-220-229 (Toll free) or 1800-103-1906 (toll free) or 022-40919191 Information Security Team Bank of India Security.Information@bankofindia.co.in

मानवतेचा इतकाच पुळका ज्यांना आलेला असतो, त्यांनी आपली खास पथके बनवावीत आणि असे प्रसंग येतील, तेव्हा पुढाकार घेऊन कोंडीत सापडलेल्या दहशतवादी वा गुन्हेगारांना सुखरूप पकडण्यासाठी सज्ज रहावे. भोपाळची चकमक- pudhari |

सोमवारचा दिवस उजाडला तोच मुळात भोपाळच्या तुरुंगातून सिमीचे जिहादी पळाल्याची बातमी घेऊन. मग तमाम वाहिन्यांवर मध्य प्रदेश सरकार, पोलिस आणि तिथल्या तुरुंग प्रशासनाला नालायक ठरवण्याची स्पर्धा चालू झाली. हल्ली सामान्य प्रेक्षक वा जनता अशा बातम्या फारशा मनावर घेत नाहीत. कारण सरळ आहे. वाहिन्यांवर फार उथळ चर्चा चालतात आणि बातमीदारीही निव्वळ सनसनाटी माजवण्यासाठीच चालते. साहजिकच भोपाळची बातमीही थोड्याच वेळात फुगा फुटणारी ठरेल असेच लोकांना वाटल्यास नवल नव्हते आणि झालेही तसेच. काही तासातच तुरुंगातून फरारी झालेल्या त्या आठ सिमी अतिरेक्यांचा खात्मा चकमकीत झाल्याची बातमी आली. मग काय, थोड्या वेळापूर्वी जे पोलिस गाफील, नालायक व नाकर्ते होते, त्यांच्यावरच आता खोट्या चकमकीचा आरोप सुरू झाला. त्यासाठी सरकार व मंत्र्यांना जाब विचारण्याची स्पर्धा सुरू झाली. बातमी किंवा घटना यातले गांभीर्य कुठल्या कुठे अस्तंगत होते, याचेही भान सुटत चालल्याची ही लक्षणे आहेत. आधी हे आठ सिमी जिहादी चकमकीत मारले गेल्याची बातमी आली आणि अल्पावधीतच त्याच घटनेचे अन्य कोणी मोबाईल कॅमेर्याीने केलेले चित्रण समोर आले. एक नव्हेतर तीन वेगवेगळी चित्रणे समोर आली. त्यातून चकमक खोटी ठरवण्यासाठी युुक्तिवाद सुरू झाले. आठ खतरनाक आरोपी पोलिस गोळीबारात मारले गेले, त्याची चिंता व्यक्त करणार्याक कुणालाही तुरुंगात गळा चिरून बळी घेतला गेलेल्या रखवालदाराच्या मरणाची फिकीर नव्हती. जणू पोलिस वा सैन्यात भरती झालेला माणूस हा अतिरेकी, खुनी वा जिहादी यांच्याकडून हकनाक मारला जाण्यासाठीच जन्माला आलेला असतो, असा काही समज आहे काय? आठ तास हे नाट्य रंगले होते, त्या काळात कोणी त्या मारल्या गेलेल्या तुरुंग रक्षकाच्या हत्येविषयी एक खेदाचा दु:खाचा शब्द उच्चारला नाही. तो बिचारा नि:शस्त्र मारला गेल्याची कुठली वेदना बातमीत वा चर्चेत दिसली नाही; पण आठ अतिरेकी मारले गेल्यावर चिकित्सा सुरू झाली. जणू गुन्हेगार वा घातपाती असणे म्हणजेच निरपराध असणे आणि म्हणून चकमकीत तशा कुणाचा मृत्यू म्हणजे भयंकर पाप असल्याची चर्चा होते. ही खरी समस्या आहे. चकमक झाली तर त्यात पोलिस कसा मारला गेला नाही? कोणी पोलिस जखमी कसा झाला नाही? मारले गेले त्यांना शरण येण्याची संधी दिली होती काय? त्यांना जिवंत पकडणे शक्य असतानाही मारले काय? किती प्रश्नह विचारले जातात; पण अशा हत्यारबंद वा खतरनाक गुन्हेगारांना पकडणे म्हणजे कसा जीवावरचा खेळ असतो, याचे तरी भान प्रश्न विचारणार्यांळना उरलेले आहे काय? पोलिसांनी जीवावर उदार होऊन गुन्हेगारांना सुखरूप पकडले पाहिजे, ही कुठली अमानुष अपेक्षा आहे? मानवतेचा इतकाच पुळका ज्यांना आलेला असतो, त्यांनी आपली खास पथके बनवावीत आणि असे प्रसंग येतील, तेव्हा पुढाकार घेऊन कोंडीत सापडलेल्या दहशतवादी वा गुन्हेगारांना सुखरूप पकडण्यासाठी सज्ज रहावे. म्हणजे मग ‘रक्ताला चटावलेल्या’ पोलिसांना खोट्या चकमकी करण्याची गरज भासणार नाही, की संधीही मिळणार नाही. किती मानवतावादी त्यासाठी आपला जीव धोक्यात घालायला तयार होतील? ज्यांचा मानवतावाद गुन्हेगारांच्या सुरक्षेसाठीच राखीव आहे आणि पोलिसांचा बळी जाण्याच्या बळावर उभा आहे, त्यांच्या कुठल्याही शब्दावर विश्वायस ठेवण्याची गरज नाही. इतकाच भोपाळच्या घटनेने दिलेला धडा आहे. कुठूनही सरकारी यंत्रणेला किंवा पोलिस सेनादलाला नामोहरम करण्यापलीकडे अशा लोकांचा कुठला अन्य हेतू नसतो. या आठपैकी तीनचारजण यापूर्वी खांडवा येथील तुरुंगातून फरारी झालेले होते. म्हणून त्यांना भोपाळच्या अत्यंत सुरक्षित तुरुंगात डांबलेले होते. दिवाळीला अनेक कर्मचारी सुट्टीवर जातात, त्याचा फायदा घेऊन त्यांनी हा खेळ केला. मग कैदी पळाले म्हणून सरकारची निंदा करायची. तेव्हा सरकार नालायक म्हणायचे. मात्र अल्पावधीत कैदी सापडले आणि चकमकीत मारले गेल्यास सरकार पोलिसांवर हत्याकांडाचा आरोप करायचा. ही आता फॅशन झाली आहे. असे बोलणारे, प्रश्नल विचारणारे किंवा शंका निर्माण करणारे ठराविक लोक; आपल्या ओळखीचे झाले आहेत. सीमेवर किंवा अन्य कुठल्या चकमकीत नागरिक वा पोलिस मारले जातात, तेव्हा यापैकी कोणी एकही अश्रू ढाळायला पुढे आलेला दिसणार नाही. विविध बॉम्बस्फोट व मुंबईतला कसाब टोळीचा हल्ला, यात शेकड्यांनी माणसे किडामुंगीसारखी मारली गेली. तेव्हा यापैकी एकही मानवतावादी उर बडवायला पुढे आला नाही; पण त्यापैकी कसाब वा याकुब मेमन, अफजल गुरू यांना फाशी देण्याच्या वेळी आकांत करायला हीच मंडळी पुढे होती. हे आता नेहमीचे नाटक झाले आहे आणि लोकांना आता त्याकडे ढुंकून बघण्याची इच्छा उरलेली नाही. जिहादी, नक्षलवादी वा दहशतवादी यांची पाठराखण करणार्यां चे चेहरे आता लोकांना पाठ झाले आहेत. प्रामुख्याने पाक संसदेच्या एका सभागृहाने मध्यंतरी भारतातल्या ज्या गटांना हाताशी धरण्याचा प्रस्ताव संमत केला. त्याच्याशी साम्य सांगणारी मंडळी अशा नाटकातून आता उघडी पडू लागली आहेत. जनमानसात त्यांची उरलीसुरली विश्वा सार्हताही आता लयाला गेलेली आहे. कारण इशरत वा तत्सम अन्य चकमकीचे धागेदोरे अलीकडेच उघड झाले आणि त्यातून अशा मानवतावाद्यांचे मुखवटेही फाटले आहेत. त्यांनी हे नाटक वेळीच थांबवले नाही तर पोलिस बाजूला राहतील आणि सामान्य जनताच अशा मानवतेचा बंदोबस्त करायला कायदा हाती घेण्याची शक्यता आहे..

WATCH ME LIVE ON ENGLISH CHANNEL TIMES NOW TODAY 08PM-0830 PM SUBJECT POLITICIZATION OF OROP-WATCH ME LIVE THEIR AFTER ON MARATHI NEWS CHANNEL TV9- BATTLE OF MOSUL -IS IT END OF ISIS

बगदादी का नया ऑडियो आया है (कुछ ही घंटे पहले) इस ऑडियो संदेश में वो अपने लोगों से मोसूल को बचाने की अपील कर रहा है। बगदादी की यह अपील उस वक्त आई है जब इराकी सेना ने बगदादी के गढ़ मोसूल को घेर लिया है, और बगदादी भी मोसूल में ही छुपा है। और कहते हैं, इराकी सेना अब इसिस के खिलाफ निर्णायक लड़ाई लड़ रही है। तो क्या बगदादी का यह संदेश डर कर आया है या फिर वो अपने लड़ाकों के गिरते मनोबल को मजबूत करने के लिए यह संदेश जारी कर रहा है? 2) इराक के पीएम हैदर अल अबादी ने कहा है कि इस बार लड़ाई में बगदादी और उसके आदमियों के पास दो ही रास्ते हैं या तो समर्पण करे या फिर मरे। आपको क्या लगता है बगदादी मरेगा या फिर जिंदा हाथ लगेगा? 3) कुछ जानकारों की राय यह भी है कि भले ही बगदादी मोसूल में घिर चुका है लेकिन उसके लड़ाके बगदादी के लिए कुछ भी कर सकते हैं और वे बहुत कट्टर होते हैं। वे लोग सुरंग में छुपे हुए हैं और दीवारों में विस्फोटक लगा कर रखे हुए हैं ऐसे में वो आसानी से समर्पण नही करेंगे और बगदादी तक इराकी सेना का पहुंचना इतना आसान नहीं है। यानी लड़ाई लंबी चलेगी। आपकी राय में कितना मुश्किल या आसान है बगदादी तक पहुंचना? 4) इस बीच तुर्की की सेना के टैंक इराकी सीमा पर ला दिए गए हैं। आखिर क्यों तुर्की अपने टैंक्स इराकी सीमा पर ला रहा है? तुर्की की मंशा क्या है? 5) क्या आपको भी इसिस का खेल खत्म नजर आ रहा है। अगर हां तो क्यों नहीं तो क्यों? 6) आप अपनी तरफ से इसिस की पृष्टभूमि, मकसद और विस्तार को लेकर जो भी कहना चाहते हैं अपनी राय जरूर दें।

CPI(M) demands probe into anti-Naxalite operation

The Odisha unit of CPI(M) demanded judicial enquiry into the joint anti-Naxalite operation of greyhound of Andhra Pradesh and Special Operation Group (SOG) of Odisha in the cut off area of Chitrakonda reservoir in Malkangiri district of Odisha. Through a release, State secretary of Odisha CPI(M) Ali Kishor Patnaik expressed concern about this anti-Maoist operation in which 30 persons were killed. According to him several doubts have emerged regarding this joint anti-Maoist operation. It is also being alleged that the deceased had been killed in cold-blood and there had been no exchange of fire. He felt these doubts and allegations can only be cleared through an impartial judicial enquiry. Quoting sources, Mr Patnaik felt there had been no exchange of fire and security personnel had fired at the group of alleged Maoists at dead of night while they were sleeping. If this has happened it is a grave violation of constitutional democratic rights as well as human rights of victims, he said. According to police sources, this joint operation of security personnel of Andhra Pradesh and Odisha had started in jungle under Panasput panchayat of cut off area of Chitrakonda reservoir from October 23 night and 30 Maoists were during the operation. Twenty-four had died during the attack by the security personnel on their camp at October 24 early morning. On the next day security forces had slain four more ultras during search operation in the same area. On October 27, two Naxalites had been tracked down in the same cut off area.

AUDITORS SE PARESHAN, MERA BHARAT PHIR BHI MAHAN

A Brigadier of ISI, squealed with ecstasy when he saw the remarks of Indian auditors regarding disposal of old currency printing machinery in Dewas , Madhya Pradesh. " In order to prevent loss to the State, old/ worn out machines ,which have been replaced by new machinery , should be sold out as scrap after being dismantled". This Brigadier, tasked with printing of fake Indian currency and its subsequent circulation in the Indian market, activated all the moles of ISI. The moles were asked to buy the " SCRAP" from the Printing Press in MP. Once the scrap had been bought, it was transported to Pakistan, piece by piece, and carefully assembled. The Brigadier now had the complete wherewithal to produce 1000 Rupee notes of outstanding quality. So top grade was the printing that Indian banks failed to detect the fake currency. RBI caught on when it discovered more money in circulation than printed. RAW finally discovered the treachery of the auditors.