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Thursday, 29 May 2014

IMPLICATIONS ARTICLE 370

Implication of article 370 Article 370 is the procedural mechanism of extending Indian Constitution in the State of Jammu and Kashmir. But under the cover of article 370 hurdles created in implementation of important articles of Constitution of India and various welfare laws in the State of Jammu and Kashmir. Article 370 was abused and more than 130 laws are not implemented in the State. RTI, RTE, Prevention of corruption act, and laws related to STs, OBC etc are not implemented in the State. By misusing the article 370, A presidential orders was passed in 1954. The order clearly says “ in exercise of the powers conferred by clause (1) of article 370 of the Constitution , the President , with the concurrence of the Government of State of Jammu and Kashmir , is pleased to make the following order…..This order further says “ after article 35, the following new article shall be added, namely”:- Article 35A. Saving of laws with respect to permanent residents and their rights. - Notwithstanding anything contained in this Constitution, no existing law in force in the State of Jammu and Kashmir, and no law hereinafter enacted by the Legislature of the State: (a) Defining the classes of persons who are, or shall be, permanent residents of the State of Jammu and Kashmir; (b) Conferring on such permanent residents any special rights and privileges, or imposing upon other persons any restrictions, as respects:- (i) Employment under the State Government; (ii) Acquisition of immovable property in the State; (iii) settlement in the State; or (iv) right to scholarships and such other forms of aid as the State Government may provide, shall be void on the ground that it is inconsistent with or takes away or abridges any rights conferred on the other citizens of India by any provisions of this Part. Comment- Under the rights and privileged conferred by article 35A of our constitution Jammu Kashmir assembly defined Permanent Resident Ship section in their constitution. 2. Artcile 35A was extended through The Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) order, 1954. C.O 48 3. The order clearly says “in exercise of the powers conferred by clause (1) of article 370 of the Constitution, the President, with the concurrence of the Government of State of Jammu and Kashmir 4. By doing so they restricted the rights of people of the country in the State. It is clear violation of article 14, 16 and 19 of Union Constitution. . Section -6 Permanent residents:-{1) Every person who is, or is deemed to be, a citizen of India under the provisions of the Constitution of India shall be a permanent resident of the State, if on the fourteenth day of May, 1954- (a) he was a State Subject of Class I or of Class II; or (b) having lawfully acquired immovable property in the State, he has been ordinarily resident in the State for not less than ten years prior to that date. (2) Any person who, before the fourteenth day of May, 1954, was a State Subject of Class I or of Class II and who having migrated after the first day of March, 1947, to the territory now included in Pakistan, returns to the State under a permit for resettlement in the State or for permanent return issued by or under the authority of any law made by the State Legislature shall on such return be a permanent resident of the State. Comment- Jammu Kashmir State Constituent Assembly autocratically defined State Subject law and even saved the rights for the people had gone to Pakistan while on the Other around 300000 West Pakistani Refugees living in Jammu still do not have citizen ship rights of Jammu and Kashmir Implications of article 370 A). 73rd and 74th amendment to Constitution of India. SCongress says Panchayati Raj Act was the dream of Late Rajiv Gandhi and talks of the common man of India but failed to strengthen the Panchayati Raj in J&K. Rahul Gandhi visited Jammu recently and said “Empowering Panchayats won't happen overnight,” For the last 10 Years Congress is in the power in the State as well as in Center. Rahul Says. This is a biggiest Joke to people of the State and Panch Sarpanches who are in continuous struggle for their rights. B). Prevention of corruption act, 1989. C). Reservation for OBC'S. D.No political reservation to ST's of the State. E). Fundamental Duties not applicable in J & K:- The constitutional amendment introducing “fundamental duties” is not applicable for J & K. This defeats the very purpose of including “fundamental duties” in the Constitution of India. F). As the Representation of People Act, 1951 and De-limitation Act,2002 and various amendments therein are not applicable to J & K, there is injustice to a large number of population in Jammu and Ladakh which is getting lesser representation in Parliament when compared to Kashmir valley. Distant Backward Remote areas of Kathua.. Udhampur…Bhaderwah… Doda…. Rajouri.. Poonch… Rajouri… Kupwara… Kargil.. Ladakh not given their due representation in the in Legislative Assembly ( MLAs) G). No financial accountability is being maintained in the State. CAG reports again and again pointed that “The financial management in State was poor. The contributory factors attributable to failure of the schemes include lack of proper planning, non-release of funds, non-adherence of eligibility criteria and lack of supervision and monitoring." The latest report (2010-2011) from the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) points to a systematic pattern of institutional misgovernance in J&K. This systematic and institutionalized mis-governance is not new to the state. From the very beginning transparency and accountability was given a goodbye and free for all system of loot of public money was encouraged by responsible people. Height of insensitivity lies in the fact that deprived sections of the society are denied their due even after garnering huge funds from the centre in the name of their welfare. H). Discrimination with women, who are married out of State. Once she got married with a person who does not have State. Her children can’t get admission in State colleges or universities, can’t be employed in the State. . Stand of Omar and his s Party on Women rights 1. In 2002 a verdict came in the case that women marrying with a non State Subject wont loose her State Subject Rights. The three judges on the Bench were Acting Chief Justice Vijay Kumar Jhanji, Justice T S Doabia and Justice Muzaffar Jan. On October 7, 2002, the Bench headed by Justice Jhanji announced that the ``daughter of a permanent resident of the State of Jammu and Kashmir will not lose status as a permanent resident of the State of Jammu and Kashmir on her marriage with a person, who is not a permanent resident of the State of Jammu and Kashmir’. 2. Mufti Mohammed Sayeed’s government tried to overturn the verdict of High Court of Jammu in March 2004 when it brought it in the infamous Bill named ``The Jammu and Kashmir Permanent Resident (Disqualification) Bill 2004’’ 3. The preamble of Bill says ““A Bill to provide for disqualification from being a permanent resident of the State on marriage of a female permanent resident with a non-permanent resident”. 4. Omar’s Party supported the Bill in Assembly. 5. The Bill was passed by the Legislative Assembly unanimously within six minutes of being moved by Law Minister Muzaffar Hussein Beigh of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). 6. But, the Bill got defeated in the Legislative Council and did not become a law. This was achieved as Chairman of the Legislative Council Abdul Rashid Dar, of the National Conference (NC), adjourned the House sine die. 7. Omar was so furious that he held Abdul Rashid Dar responsible for not passing the bill and expelled him from the party on 12th march.(News Published in The Tribune of 12th March is attached). I). Implementation of RTI is also very poor. Jammu and Kashmir is the only State which has three versions of RTI law. Three Chief Minister and three RTIs. Every Chief Minister tried to mould it for their benefits. None of them think of people. Getting information in the State is 5 times costlier in comparison to Delhi. J). J & K is also lagging behind in rights of children and other progressive laws- Even the “Right to Education Act” is not applicable for J & K thereby denying the rights of children and exposing them to the vagaries of uncertainties of life. Statements of various activists from Women, Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Other Backward Classes (OBCs). Published in the news paper URL- http://www.tribuneindia.com/2013/20131203/j&k.htm#14 Article 370 biggest hurdle in extending Central schemes to weaker sections Tribune News Service Jammu, December 2 The BJP’s prime ministerial candidate’s, Narendra Modi, challenge on debate on the Article 370 has surcharged the political atmosphere in the winter capital of the state as propagators of this Article exchanged barbed with the BJP for raking up this issue. Women, Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) activists have opposed this Article, arguing that it is the biggest obstacle in extending various schemes formulated for their betterment in Jammu and Kashmir. 'Abrogation will help STs get benefits of schemes' Choudhary Anwar Hussain, advocate and leader, Gujjar United Front “The Article 370 is the biggest hurdle in extending various welfare schemes in the state. Abrogation of this Article will help the STs to get direct benefits of various schemes meant for them.” He pointed out that the successive state governments had been brazenly taking excuse of this Article to deny reservation rights to the STs in the state. “Abolition of this Article will help the weaker sections to avail benefits of schemes meant for them,” he said. 'Ruling elites abusing the Article' Tulsi Dass Langeh, president, state BSP unit “Ruling elites of the state have been abusing this Article to deprive the weaker sections of their constitutional rights. Unlike other parts of the country, OBCs are being denied of their reservation rights in the state.” He said SCs and STs were also victims of this Article. “The ruling class in the state is taking shield of the Article to deny constitutional rights to the OBCs here,” he said. 'We are not against the Article but it is against us' Dr Javed Rahi, scholar and researcher on tribal “We are not against the Article 370 but this Article is against us,” said Dr Javed Rahi. “Many constitutional guarantees for the STs are not directly implemented in the state due to this Article,” he said and added that the Forest Right Act, 2001, and the SC/ST Atrocities Act were yet to be implement in the state as approval of the state Assembly was must to extend these Acts in the state. OBCs bear maximum brunt Deepak Kumar, social activist working for OBCs in J&K “Although most of the weaker sections are victims of the Article 370, OBCs are bearing the maximum brunt of this Article,” he said and pointed out that the OBCs in other parts of the country were getting 27 per cent reservations as per the recommendations of the Mandal Commission but in Jammu and Kashmir, they were not even identified. “The Article 370 has been used as a shield by the ruling class to create hurdles in implementing the Mandal Commission recommendations in the state,” he said and supported the demand of having a debate on this Article. 'Special status abused by ruling class' RK Kalsotra, state convener, Confederation of SC,-ST-OBCs organization “The questions raised by BJP leader Narendra Modi are not new,” he said, and added: “It’s a fact that special status has been abused by the ruling class of the state to deny constitutional rights to the weaker sections.” “I don’t want to indulge into this debate but the state government has to reply the questions raised by Modi on the impact of the Article 370 on the weaker sections.” 'The Article is irrevocable, permanent' Saifuddin Soz, JKPCC chief “Narendra Modi is factually wrong. He is not aware of the history of the state,” he said and accepted the challenge of Modi to have an open debate on the Article 370, which according to Soz is irrevocable. “Article 370 is permanent and even Parliament of India cannot change this Article,” he said and added that the Article was a bridge between Jammu and Kashmir and rest of the country. He said it was all due to the efforts of the Congress leadership that the Women Disqualification Bill was defeated in the Assembly. “Women married outside the state have the constitutional rights like other women of the state,” he said. 'Omar distorting facts to mislead masses' Jugal Kishore Sharma, state BJP president Accusing Chief Minister Omar Abdullah of distorting facts to mislead the general masses, Sharma today accepted his challenge to hold a debate on the Article 370 and the results that followed on the implementation of this Article. “He must come forward to hold a debate on the Article with any BJP leader,” he said, and added that both the Congress and the NC had consistently misused the Article 370 to deprive the people of the state of their fundamental rights and promote communalism, separatism and politics of regional discrimination. “It is because of this Article that the refugees from the West Pakistan could not obtain citizenship rights and the Supreme Court in 1980s regretted that it is because of the state’s special status that it could not dispose of writ petition in their favour,” he said. Issue related to State Assembly report 6 year term of the Assembly is a grim reminder of the authoritarian Emergency period from 1975 to 1977 which has gone down as the darkest phase in the history of independent India and a blotch on democracy. The then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi with the help of the then President, Fakr-ud-din Ali Ahmed,managed the infamous 42nd Amendment (1976) of the Indian constitution simply to defer elections to Parliament as well as State legislatures and thus facilitate uninterrupted continuance of the autocratic rule unleashed by her but the Amendment was promptly reversed when the Janata Party Government took over under Prime Minister Morarji Desai with Atal Behari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani as senior cabinet Ministers. Ironically, the then J&K Government headed by Sheikh Abdullah was quick to adopt the Center's Amendment extending Assembly's term from 5 to 6 years,it conveniently turned a blind eye to the Center's legislation (44th Amendment) reversing the Amendment to restore the term back to 5 years. As a result, the J&K Assembly term continues to be 6 years ever since the 1977 elections. The fact that Article 370 has been selectively used,or misused, to suit the convenience of a small coterie of ruling polity in the State with no concern for the welfare of people. NC Government should explain , what "advantage" it saw in adopting 6 year term notwithstanding Article 370 and what "disadvantage" it now sees in reverting to 5 year term citing the constraints of Article 370 ? Some Points on non implementation of Panchayti Raj 1. There are over 33,000 elected panches and sarpanches in the state. 2. A total of 10 village council members, including panches and sarpanches, have been killed by militants since the May-June 2011 panchayat polls till March 2013. Government is failed to provide them Security 3. For the Last 10 Years Congress is in Power in the State of Jammu and Kashmir, several promises have been made but nothing has been done. 4. A group representing Panch Sarpanches met Rahul Gnadhi on 27 Sep. 2012 to secure working conditions, apart from greater devolution of powers. "Gandhi promised to look into their demand including for a compensation of Rs 20 lakh each to the dependents of the three sarpanches who were killed by the militants," Since this meeting nothing has been done. Congress is totally under pressure of Omar and NC and not interested in devolution of Power. 5. Congress always made a Statement that Panchayati Raj Act is the dream of Rajiv Gandhi but same is not implemented in J&K. 6. Recently Rahul Gandhi Visited Jammu and said “Empowering panchayats won't happen overnight,” For the last 10 Years Congress is in the power in the State as well as in Center. 7. The question of empowerment of panchayats is included in the manifestoes the Congress issued prior to the 2002 Legislative Assembly elections as also the 2008 Legislative Assembly elections. On both occasion, the Congress pledged before the masses that if voted to power, the party will empower panchayats in J&K through implementation of 73rd Amendment. Right to education denied in the name of Art 370 On the occasion of Children's Day, Congress Member of Parliament Madan Lal Sharma demanded that Right to Education (RTE) Act should also be implemented in Jammu & Kashmir. He said that if state govt can adopt PNDT, PC and many other central acts, there should not be any delay in immediate adoption of this act as it is in best interest of children of this state. Right to Education Act was passed by parliament in 2009 as fundamental right of every child between the age group of 6-14 years to get compulsory and free education. The act has to be effective in whole of the country by 31st March 2013. Under this act, the govt has to provide not only free and compulsory education to each and every child between this age group but has to arrange for other facilities such as trained teachers with a teacher student ratio of not more than 1:40, schools with class rooms and boundary wall, safe drinking water, separate toilets for boys and girl students, ramps for disabled students, playing ground, library etc. The time up to 31st March was given to state governments for making necessary arrangements under the act. This act, benefitting all the children, has been denied to the children of Jammu & Kashmir in the name of special status of the state. The children of the state are being denied of their fundamental right to free and compulsory education which other children in the country are going to enjoy after few months under the Article 370 as act has to be passed by state assembly before being effective in this state. As in the case of extending 73rd amendment of Indian constitution to the Jammu & Kashmir, the state govt is hiding itself under the plea of already having such provisions. In case of education, state has a provision of free education to all students up to 8th class but does it know that there is a vast difference between fundamental right of a child to free and compulsory education and just a provision of free and Compulsory education. When it is a fundamental right it is govt's responsibility to provide and a child can claim for its right. What state govt has done to this demand of extending RTE to the state, as in most of the cases of public concern, in the beginning of this year, state govt has constituted a committee to have a study of RTE and JK School Education Act. This committee, after examining both the acts would send its recommendations to law department on whether to adopt RTE or make necessary amendments to school education act to bring it par with central RTE act but see the seriousness of the govt this committee has not met once during the year not to speak of recommending the amendments to school education act and it is the condition when school education ministry is headed by chief minister himself. The govt has just no intention to bring in RTE in the state. The reason is simple, when it comes of any responsibility whether it may be RTE or devolution of powers to panchayats, govt runs away under the cover of 370 but these very politicians can surrender every thing if it comes with power or money from the central govt. They can adopt Sarva Siksha Abhiyan from the center as it comes with crores of rupees of aid with this scheme. They held Panchayat elections in the state because in the absence of these elections, hundreds crores of aid from the centre was blocked. After formality of these elections and release of the aid, further powers were denied to these Panchayats as it will encroach upon the powers of the present rulers. The other main reason of govt 's running away from RTE is poor condition of school education sector in the state. Majority of schools don't have basic infrastructure required for imparting quality education to the students. The CAG in his report has nailed state govt for its failure to provide basic minimum amenities to the students at primary as well as high school level. It observed that despite an increase in the number of govt schools the enrolment has decreased due to coming up of many private schools and preference being given to them by the parents and lack of infrastructure facilities is stated to be the main reason for the sharp decline in enrolment in govt schools. Out of 14,453 govt schools in state 7,903 lacks basic facilities, 3,200 schools are being run in rented houses or shops. 1,865 primary schools were upgraded as middle schools in last three years but govt forgot to upgrade their facilities accordingly. 12,000 posts, of teachers, masters, lecturers and non-teaching staff, are lying vacant in the education department. When it is the condition how this state government can dare to extend right to education as fundamental right to children of the state?

Wednesday, 28 May 2014

NARENDRA MODI ASSESSMENT FROM PAKISTAN

The writer is a Retied Air Vice Marshall of Pak Air Force. His analysis about Modi is very reasonable: Two glass ceilings got broken in the first two decades of this century: a black man’s son became the president of the United States – the oldest democracy in the world and a chaiwala’s son was elected in a sweeping victory as the prime minister of India – the largest democracy of the world. A third such occasion is likely in 2016 when a woman just might become the first ever female president of the US. This is paradigms being shattered. If you want to really celebrate democracy as some in this country are prone to do simply by seeing one civilian government transition to another, note the speed at which from mid-1960s both the ‘coloured’ and the women, and the weak, have been able to find their place in the real democracies of the world on their merit alone. No dynasties, no historical reference of a father or a grandfather having once been at a position of entitlement – simply the capacity and the ability of a person (men, women, ‘coloured’) to prove his credentials in a field of play that is cut-throat competitive and where only the best will survive. There are only two references in a competitive electoral play; the person: his charisma, charm and magical spell over the people – think Jinnah, Gandhi, Mandela, and Bhutto; and the performance – think Manmohan Singh when he got his country some exceptional growth figures under Narasimha Rao, and more recently, Narendra Modi with his outstanding developmental record in Gujarat. Modi romped home with a strength that was surprising even to him though pundits had already predicted a wave of change. But what a performance. Kudos to India for such an election; not a murmur of rigging or absence of fair-play. To win in such an election and with the margin that Modi has, is simply too big a landmark in contemporary political history. It was a ‘wow’ moment for India and the country needs to be applauded for it. Modi is a rare combination of the two. He has his spell and a sterling record of development, aided without doubt by an enabling environment where the electorate could only rest their hopes on him after others had betrayed it with dismal performance. He seems a man who can easily connect with the people. An effective orator, he outshined Rahul Gandhi who appeared unenthused and listless in comparison. To the dismay of many in Pakistan, let me suggest that if Modi gets his act together, he will take India places. India will change, perhaps finally realising its dream and potential, as will its polity. India will never be the same again; this remains my considered opinion. He is that kind of fellow. Many in Pakistan wondered if this was an election lost or an election won. If there was one factor that played in wooing the voters, it was leadership, or the lack of it when they disavowed the Congress. That did it for Modi. Modi appeared resolute, clear headed, focused and decisive; all that Manmohan or Rahul were not. Is there a lesson out there for us and our political class? Especially in our current situation where not only are institutions entangled with each other, they are also breaking up within. What is needed for Pakistan too is a no-nonsense style of leadership that is upfront, owns the problems, and seems willing and active in doing something about it. Not the kind of absent leadership that sleeps by the side as the state and the nation unravel before it. Statesmanship has been wrongly understood by this clan. They think sleeping through, or remaining detached and above the fray is how statesmen are made. There cannot be another as fallacious a conception. Statesmen are leaders, and leaders work with their hands. Will Modi spur Nawaz to do better? I feel the simple relativity of how India propels, and how Pakistan nosedives under listless, lackadaisical leadership, will be enough factors to force a change. Of what kind will remain to be seen. Manmohan’s listlessness was too contagious. Modi, however is no goody-two-shoes. He is also characterised as the ‘butcher of Gujarat’. That will change. He is someone who reads his role well. What was needed then to appease some at the RSS was then and that helped him establish his position within the party; but now there is a different role for him. The weight of his victory will help Modi establish his influence not only within the BJP, but also within the RSS. He is likely to have much greater freedom of action, as he now goes about establishing himself as a man of substance in the international arena. He will not be the gung-ho Modi that we assume, instead he will be deliberate, firm and unyielding in the way that he charts his and India’s future. How might then Pakistan manage him? The first apprehension is will he war with Pakistan. Here is how it will go. He will begin with an immediate assessment of what his armed forces will need to gain an assured level of readiness – armed forces are always short of what they assume is absolute readiness; remember the nine months that Manekshaw needed before the 1971 war, or how the Indian army dithered after Mumbai from a reprisal action. Modi’s aim will not be to seek a war. But come another situation like Mumbai 2008, he would like his military to respond with effect; of that there should be little confusion. Pakistan will then need to evolve its own plan to first deter and then respond to such a reprisal. That will put them both on a slippery slope of escalation dominance. What both sides will need instead are measures and processes that will control and manage escalation, not dominate it. Failing these the spiral down the stability regime will be rather rapid; consequences untold and horrendous. It will also help if another Mumbai does not occur. We can be assured of Modi working hard to find space for an armed retribution if he was tested with something as horrible as that. It is better to be prepared than be surprised. And how do you manage him? By simply being better at what he does. With our current pack, forget it. Tailpiece: In a master stroke Modi has invited Nawaz Sharif to his inauguration. That is enough to test the mettle of Pakistan’s leadership. If Nawaz goes he will need the acumen to dominate his first interaction with Modi. Otherwise he is coming back with a clearer enunciation of how Modi would like Nawaz to respond to his concerns. Devil and the deep blue sea, is it? The writer is a retired air-vice marshal of the Pakistan Air Force and served as its deputy chief of staff.

कलम-३७० आणि त्याचा जम्मू-आणि-काश्मीरच्या विकासावर होणारा परिणामआव्हानः जम्मू-आणि-काश्मीर मधील छुप्या युद्धाचे

आव्हानः जम्मू-आणि-काश्मीर मधील छुप्या युद्धाचे कलम-३७० आणि त्याचा जम्मू-आणि-काश्मीरच्या विकासावर होणारा परिणाम भारत स्वतंत्र झाल्यानंतर आणि जम्मू-आणि-काश्मीर राज्याचे भारतात विलिनीकरण झाल्यानंतर लगेचच, ३७०-कलम हे स्पष्टपणे तात्पुरते म्हणूनच, अवघड काळातल्या विशिष्ट अडचणी सोडवण्याकरता, संविधानात समाविष्ट करण्यात आलेले होते. राज्यातील घटकांच्या प्रतिनिधीसभेच्या अस्तित्वकाळातच ते अस्तित्वात राहणे अपेक्षित होते. काळासोबतच जम्मू-आणि-काश्मीरमध्ये गुंतलेले हितसंबंध आणि राज्याबाहेरील निरनिराळ्या राजकीय पक्षांच्या, आपापल्या मतदात्यांच्या तुष्टीकरणाबाबतची अपरिहार्यताच, त्या ३७०-कलमाचे अस्तित्व राखून ठेवत असतात. ’३७०-कलमाचे अस्तित्व राखून ठेवावे’ ह्या मताच्या लोकांनी, देशाच्या एकता आणि अखंडतेवर विघातक परिणाम करण्याच्या, ३७०-कलमाच्या अपार सामर्थ्याचा कुठलाही विचार केला नाही. भारतातले हे एकमेव असे राज्य आहे ज्याचे स्वतःचे स्वतंत्र संविधान आहे. बाहेरचा कुणीही, राज्यात स्थायिक होऊ शकत नाही, कुठलीही मालमत्ता बाळगू शकत नसल्याने, राजकीयदृष्ट्या चांगल्या प्रकारे जोडले गेलेले लोक प्रचंड लाभ मिळवू शकतात. हेच प्रभावशाली लोक नियम घडवतात, किंमती निर्धारित करतात आणि ग्राहकही निर्धारित करतात; कारण बाहेरून कुठलीही स्पर्धा होण्याची अजिबात शक्यता नसते. यामुळे ५ लाखात बनू शकणार्यार शाळेचे काम ५० लाखाला दिले जाते. म्हणजे राजकारण्यांचा ४५ लाखांचा फायदा आणि सरकारचे आणि सामान्य माणसांचे ४५ लाखाचे नुकसान. कलम ३७० ने, काश्मीरचे लोक आणि उर्वरित भारतातले लोक ह्यांच्यात, भावनिक आणि मानसशास्त्रीय अडथळे उभारलेले आहेत, ज्यामुळे फुटीरतेच्या मनोभूमिकेस बळ मिळते. ह्या कलमाच्या अस्तित्वाचा उपयोग करून, पाकिस्तान आणि खोर्या त असलेल्या त्याचे खरेखोटे प्रतिनिधित्व करणार्याउ शक्ती, भारत हा ’काश्मीरपासून कन्याकुमारीपर्यंत एक आहे’ ह्या संकल्पनेचीच खिल्ली उडवत असतात. ह्या कलमामुळेच द्विराष्ट्रवाद जिवंत राहिला आहे. यथावकाश राज्यातील फुटीर लोकांनी शत्रुत्वाची मनोवृत्ती तयार करण्यासाठी, ह्या अडथळ्याचा उपयोग करून घेतलेलाच आहे. १७-ऑक्टोंबर-१९४९ रोजी भारताच्या संविधान सभेत बोलत असता, तिचे एक विख्यात सदस्य हसरत मोहानी असे म्हणाले होते की, “विशेष दर्जा दिल्याने काश्मीरला पुढे जाऊन स्वातंत्र्य प्राप्त करणे शक्य होईल”. काश्मिरातील गुंतलेले हितसंबंध, मग ते राजकीय असोत, नोकरशहांचे असोत, व्यापार्यांणचे असोत, न्यायव्यवस्थेतील लोकांचे असोत; त्यांनी त्यांच्या त्यांच्या दुष्ट उद्दिष्टांकरता, राज्यातील गरीब आणि पददलितांचे शोषण करून ३७० कलमाचा दुरुपयोग करून घेतलेलाच आहे. राज्य अधिकोषाची (ट्रेझरी) लूट करण्याची जबाबदारी त्यांच्यावर निश्चित करता येऊ नये ह्याकरता, श्रीमंतांनी ३७० कलमाचा उपयोग राज्यात कुठलेही आर्थिक कायदे होऊच नयेत ह्याकरता करून घेतलेला आहे. ह्यात भेट-कर, शहरी-जमीन-धारणा कायदा, संपत्ती कर इत्यादींचा समावेश होतो. ह्यामुळे श्रीमंत श्रीमंतच होत राहिले आणि जनसामान्यांना त्यांचा वाजवी आर्थिक लाभही नाकारण्यात आला. कलम-३७० ने सत्तेत उच्चभ्रू लोक निर्माण केले. जनसामान्यांच्या खर्याणखुर्याा मागण्यांना पायदळी तुडवण्याकरता ह्या उच्चभ्रूंनी, ह्या प्रचंड सत्तेचा उपयोग करून घेतला. जमिनीबाबतची संसाधने श्रीमंतांनी आणि शक्तीशाली लोकांनी बळकावलेली आहेत. ह्यामुळे राज्यास मोठे महसुली नुकसान होत असते. भारताकडून ह्या हितसंबंधियांना खूप आर्थिक मदत मिळत राहिली, जिचा उपयोग त्यांनी फुटीर मनोवृत्ती विकसित करण्यासाठी आणि फुटिरतावादी मत निर्माण करण्यासाठी केला, ज्याचा उपयोग करून ते भारतास धमक्या देऊन संसाधने उकळण्याकरता (ब्लॅक मेल) करून घेत असतात. सहज फसविल्या जाऊ शकणार्या काश्मिरी लोकांना, कलम ३७० काढून टाकणे म्हणजे आकाशच कोसळण्यासारखे वाटते. अशा प्रकारे हे दलाल आपली जहागिरदारी विस्तारत राहतात, राजकीय आणि आर्थिक सत्ता बळकट करत राहतात, एक जातीय आणि अगम्य (ऑब्स्कुरान्टिस्ट) मनोभूमिका निर्माण करत राहतात, ज्यामुळे यथावकाश फुटिरता विकसित होण्यास पार्श्वभूमी मिळते. कलम-३७० काढून टाकल्यास, काश्मिरींची ओळखच नाहीशी होऊ शकेल ही भीती, नेत्यांच्या राजकीय महत्त्वाकांक्षांवर पांघरूण घालणारी केवळ एक सोय आहे. प्रत्यक्षात हेच लोक काश्मिरी संस्कृतीस हानी पोहोचवत असतात कारण बाहेरच्या संपर्कापासूनच्या उत्तेजनांविना आणि परस्पर-पोषणाच्या संधीविना कुठलीही संस्कृती जगू शकत नाही. ज्यामुळे अंतिमतः काश्मिरी पंडितांचा लोंढा राज्याबाहेर निघून गेला त्या, १९८९ मधील हिंसक जातीय उद्रेकास ही फुटीर वृत्तीच जबाबदार आहे. १९८८-९० दरम्यान पुरेशी सुरक्षा पुरविण्याबाबतच्या काश्मिरी पंडितांच्या आक्रोशास प्रतिसाद देण्यात राज्य प्रशासनास आलेल्या अपयशाचे एक मुख्य कारण हे होते की; दीर्घ कालावधीत प्रणालीत शिरलेल्या मूलतत्त्ववादी, राष्ट्रविरोधी घटकांनी राज्य प्रशासन आतून पूर्णपणे पोखरलेले होते. हा शिरकाव, कलम-३७० च्या अस्तित्वामुळेच शक्य झाला. फाळणीच्या वेळी किंवा त्यानंतर भारत व पाकिस्तान यांमधील युद्धाच्या परिणामस्वरूप, पाकिस्तानातून राज्यात आलेल्या सुमारे १७,००,००० निर्वासितांना, त्यांचे मूलभूत लोकशाहीचे आणि नागरिक म्हणून प्राप्य असणारे हक्क नाकारणे; ही राज्यातील सर्वात वाईट मानवी शोकांतिका आहे. गेली सहा दशके ह्या निर्वासितांनी राज्यासच आपले घर मानले आहे. तरीही ते किंवा त्यांच्या मुलाबाळांना, ३७०-कलमाच्या अंमलाचा परिणाम म्हणून, राज्यात नागरिकत्वाचे अधिकार मिळू शकत नाहीत. ते मतदानही करू शकत नाहीत किंवा उमेदवारीही करू शकत नाहीत. राज्याकडून त्यांना कर्ज मिळू शकत नाही किंवा ते राज्यातील निरनिराळ्या व्यावसायिक महाविद्यालयांत प्रवेशही मिळवू शकत नाहीत. ३७०-कलम नागरिकत्वाचे अधिकार राज्यातील इतर प्रदेशातील लोकांना मिळू न देण्याकरता, तिचा दुरूपयोग करत आहेत.राज्यास निरनिराळे लोकशाही कायदे लागू होण्यापासून रोखून, राजकारणी लोकांनीही सत्तेत टिकून राहण्याकरता ३७०-कलमाचा दुरूपयोग करून घेतलेला आहेच. ’पक्षांतरविरोधी कायद्या’चेच प्रकरण घ्या. पक्षांतरे रोखण्याकरता तो कायदा ही एक उपयुक्त तरतूद आहे. सदस्याने पक्षांतर केले आहे किंवा नाही हे ठरविण्याचा अधिकार हे विधेयक सभापतीस देत असतो. मात्र जम्मू-आणि-काश्मिरात हा अधिकार पक्ष प्रमुखालाच देण्यात आलेला आहे, ज्यामुळे पक्षनेता जणूकाय हुकूमशहाच ठरत आहे. लडाख आणि जम्मू प्रदेशांना अर्थसंसाधनांत त्यांचा वाजवी वाटा नाकारण्याकरताही कलम-३७० चा उपयोग करण्यात आलेला आहे. जुलै-सप्टेंबर १९८९ दरम्यान ज्या हिंसक चळवळींनी लडाखला घुसळून टाकले त्या चळवळी, राज्यातील राजकीय सत्तेवर उत्तम पकड असलेल्या काश्मिरी लोकांनी त्यांना अवाजवी पद्धतीने वागविल्याखातरच्या, लडाखी लोकांच्या नाराजीच्या प्रतिक्रियेचा भाग होत्या. जम्मू-आणि-काश्मीरचे नागरिक आपोआपच भारताचे नागरिक ठरतात, मात्र भारताच्या नागरिकांना आपोआपच जम्मू-आणि-काश्मीर राज्याचे नागरिक होण्याचा अधिकार नाही. परिणामी, जम्मू-आणि-काश्मीरचे नागरिक भारतात कुठेही मालमत्ता बाळगू शकतात आणि स्थायिकही होऊ शकतात. मात्र कलम-३७० कुठल्याही भारतीयास असा हक्क मिळण्यापासून वंचितच ठेवते. डॉ.बी.आर.आंबेडकरांनी देशास ह्याबाबत आधीच सावध केलेले होते. ते म्हणाले होते की, “जर तुम्हाला भारताने काश्मीरचे संरक्षण करावे असे वाटत असेल तर, काश्मीरला भारताइतकेच हक्क द्या, पण तुम्ही भारतास आणि भारतीयांस काश्मीरात सर्वच हक्क नाकारत आहात. मी भारताचा कायदामंत्री आहे, मी राष्ट्राच्या हिताबाबतच्या अशा विश्वासघाताचा भागीदार होऊ शकत नाही.” काश्मीरच्या रहिवाशांनी हे जाणून घेतले पाहिजे की, ते सर्वप्रथम भारताचे नागरिक आहेत आणि त्यानंतर राज्याचे रहिवासी. काश्मिरींकरता ३७०-कलमाचे संरक्षण आहे. ह्या कलमांतर्गत, कुठलाही काश्मिरी, एखाद्या काश्मिरी नसलेल्या व्यक्तीशी लग्न करू शकत नाही. असे लग्न झाल्यास तो काश्मिरी आपले संपत्ती आणि मतदान इत्यादींचे अधिकार गमावेल. राज्य प्रशासन आधीच इस्लामिक झालेले आहे. दहशतवाद्यांना तर रविवार ऐवजी शुक्रवार हा सुटीचा वार घोषित होणे हवे आहे. काश्मिरी नसलेली व्यक्ती संपत्ती खरेदी करू शकत नाही, राजकारणात भाग घेऊ शकत नाही, निवडणुकांत मतदान करू शकत नाही आणि कायद्याअंतर्गत त्याला नागरिकत्वाचे सर्व अधिकार नाकारले गेलेले आहेत. अगदी, फाळणीच्या वेळी सीमेपलीकडून आलेल्या हिंदू स्थलांतरितांनाही अजून काश्मिरात नागरिकत्व दिले गेलेले नाही. गेल्या सहा दशकांत ते त्यांच्या लोकशाही हक्कांखातर लढत आहेत. हे पुस्तक माधवी-प्रकाशन-पुणे येथे, खालील पत्त्यावर विक्रीस उपलब्ध आहे. किंमत रु.२२५/-. चंद्रशेखर जोशी,दत्तकुटी, १४१६ सदाशिवपेठ, पुणे ४११०३०,दूरध्वनीः २४४७४७६२, २४४७५३७२, भ्रमणध्वनीः ९३२५०९७८९४,ई-मेलः madhavipublisher@gmail.com

Monday, 26 May 2014

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BRIG HEMANT MAHAJAN KASHMIR BOOK IN INDIAN EXPRESS 25 MAY

http://epaper.indianexpress.com/c/2895866

Friday, 23 May 2014

NARENDRA MODI & INDIAN FOREIGN POLICY

'Both nations have a common problem: A rampaging, jingoistic and hostile China which is making substantial territorial claims. In the long run, Japan and India are going to be the victims of Chinese aggression -- so they might as well hang together to contain China,' argues Rajeev Srinivasan. There is a general dictum that when there is a change in government, foreign policy continues much as before. In the United States, even though the two parties fight like cats and dogs over domestic policies, all that stops at the water's edge, and the two parties are as one in the pursuit of the national interest. Ambassador T P Sreenivasan put forth this perspective in a recent discussion I had with him. However, it is not clear that this applies to the case of India. This is partly because it is hard to believe that the outgoing United Progressive Alliance government truly had India's interests at heart in its foreign dealings. The result of their ad hoc, unthought-through policies has been that India has shrunk as a relevant power, even in its own neighbourhood. The only parties that seem to have done well are quasi-friends like the US which has sold India much military hardware, up from zero in the old Soviet days. Other than this, India is universally considered a bully by its subcontinental neighbours, it has been kept at arms length by Southeast Asia; the US, Europe, Russia and China treat it as a minor, unimportant regional power. Its energy diplomacy has been pathetic; its erstwhile markets in Africa and Europe are now under threat from the Chinese. The Indian Ocean Rim initiative is going nowhere. That Nehruvian shibboleth, the Non-Aligned Movement, has been consigned to the trash-can of history. India's brand has been diminished by the 'South Asia' moniker. The erstwhile 'Greater India' is only a memory. In large measure, India's shrinking stature is a result of its pathetic economic growth. It has been left in the dust by all of Southeast Asia and East Asia, all of which have managed to uplift their poor. Today India is the biggest repository of misery in the world, with half the world's malnourished, half the world's blind, half the world's illiterate. There is no choice but for India to grow at near-Chinese rates, and commerce should be one of the principal pillars of its foreign policy. But a more important issue for India is the wimp factor. Nobody takes India seriously: It comes across as a weak, gullible, impotent power whose major strength is in lecturing. Nobody likes a moraliser, and India has had many of them, for instance, Krishna Menon. It is rumoured that Chou en-Lai of China considered his interlocutor Jawaharlal Nehru a 'useful idiot'. Similarly, every time there is a major terror attack supported by Pakistan, some minister threatens dire consequences 'the next time there is a major terror attack'. Therefore Pakistanis attack, again and again, with impunity. There is no pain applied to Pakistani bottoms for perfidy. The US is facing something along the same lines. Barack Obama is seen as someone whose threats have no teeth. Thus, his promise to act in Syria if chemical weapons were used was shown to be just hot air. He did not act in Ukraine; he is unlikely to step in if the Chinese, emboldened by all this, grab the Senkakus from Japan as they have the Paracels from Vietnam. There is a credibility deficit, as the Financial Times says in 'Barack Obama's cautious foreign policy comes home to roost,' May 14. This is what makes me suggest a discontinuity in Indian foreign policy, which has always centered on the Anglophone world, and on Pakistan and China. It is time to make a radical shift to an Asia-centric perspective, with Japan as the centrepiece. After Asia, it is important to work with Africa, and then with Europe, specifically Germany, as there is much to be gained from the European Union's leader. There is little that traditional partner Britain can do for us. Finally, there is the US. Given that Democrats are extremely hostile (this is generally true, although Indians labour under the delusion that Republicans are worse), it is always a bad time for India when they are in power. In particular, this time Barack Obama, John Kerry and Hillary Clinton have gone out of their way to humiliate Modi over the silly visa issue, egged on by Indian-origin leftists/Islamists and conversion-seeking Christian fundamentalists. Modi is not one to bear grudges, but it is incumbent upon the US to make conciliatory moves. Until that happens, it is going to be a holding pattern in Indo-US relations, detente but no cordiality. The contrast with the warmth with Japan could not be more dramatic. Why Japan as priority nation? Because it appears to be the most appropriate civilisational/cultural partner. There is more to international relations than transactions. It is important to have alliances with those who have similar affinities, both at the individual level and at the national level. Japan, along with Bali and Thailand, are the only parts of Asia in which Indians are held in some respect -- the Japanese, for example, see India as their Holy Land. (Unfortunately, elsewhere, it is India's failures, dirt, poverty and squalour that are its calling card.) Besides, both nations have a common problem: A rampaging, jingoistic and hostile China which is making substantial territorial claims. In the long run, Japan and India, along with Vietnam, the Philippines, and others in Southeast Asia, are going to be the victims of Chinese aggression -- so they might as well hang together to, with Russia and the US, create a reverse 'string of pearls' to contain China. There are also nice symmetries. Japan has an ageing population; India has one of the world's youngest populations. Japan has plenty of capital; India is hungry for capital. Japan is worried about the security of its investments in China; India is eager to bring in foreign direct investment. Japan has outstanding quality and processes; India needs these if it is to ever become a manufacturing power. In Shinzo Abe and Narendra Modi we have two nationalists. Furthermore, the Japanese have now realised that they would benefit from an alliance with India. They made an extremely rare gesture: The Japanese Emperor visited India. In addition there were two visits by Shinzo Abe, who has said that he expects the Indo-Japanese relationship to be as significant over time as the US-Japanese alliance. Unfortunately, the Manmohan Singh government did not go out of its way to show its appreciation: Instead of breaking protocol by sending the PM to welcome Abe at the airport, it sent a junior minister, Rajiv Shukla. I am sure the Japanese noticed. But anyway, it is Modi that Abe has an affinity for. Geostrategist Brahma Chellaney suggests in Prosyn the duo will work towards 'promoting regional stability and blocking the rise of a Sino-Centric Asia'. That is precisely the point. And that brings us to China. As that nation pursues a highly aggressive policy with almost all of its neighbours, bullying, grabbing land and sea, and using gunboat diplomacy, India has to be wary about the long Indo-Tibet border as well as China's oft-repeated claims to Arunachal Pradesh. The recent leak of the Henderson-Brooks/Bhagat report on the 1962 war suggests that India could have done better because its military capability was adequate. But that is not the case today, 50 years later. China has systematically built up its logistics (rail and road) and military capability in occupied Tibet. India has lagged behind, even though a few mountain divisions are sought to be raised. The military has struggled greatly in UPA1 and especially UPA2. A damning report by Ajai Shukla in Business Standard suggests that India's armed forces modernization is based on a delusion as there is no budget for it. Given Chinese aggression in the South China Sea (the latest being their drilling for oil in what would be Vietnamese territorial waters under international law) and the expansion of its blue-water navy, India's badly-delayed naval modernisation needs to be accelerated, if we are to defend our interests in the Indian Ocean, all the way from the Straits of Hormuz to the Straits of Malacca, which carries about 80 per cent of the world's oil shipments. Modi has had cordial relations with China, and that should continue. But the terms of any agreements should be based on mutual respect, not imposed on India under duress, as is likely to be the case now. For instance, most of India's exports to China have been raw materials like iron ore, while they send back manufactured goods, in some cases destroying Indian manufacturers. I have heard anecdotal evidence about this: How the manufacture of kites for Uttarayanam in Gujarat was decimated by Chinese imports, until the local makers replicated a cluster and supply chain as efficient as that in China. Along with China, the other party where India needs to have a muscular foreign policy is Pakistan, China's ally. Without going to war, it is possible to tell the Pakistanis in no uncertain terms that their adventurism will have consequences, and to back this up by carefully monitoring their infiltrators into India. It is also possible to increase -- rather than reverse, as Inder Kumar Gujral did Research and Analysis Wing's intelligence efforts and special operations in Baluchistan and other restive parts of Pak. The situation in Afghanistan is another area in which India needs to ensure that we do not screw up. As the Americans depart, the vacuum there will be filled quite eagerly by strategic-depth-seeking Pakistanis, and if the new Afghan government is in the least bit pro-Taliban, India will be shut out, its commercial interests and consulates endangered, and its huge investment in relief including roads etc will be wasted. On the other hand, there is no point in, as Americans sometimes demand, India taking on a military role there either. Afghanistan will be a headache. Repairing ties with the Near Abroad, that is the subcontinental nations such as Bangladesh, Nepal, Maldives, and Bhutan should be pursued in parallel with a reinvigorated Indian Ocean Rim initiative, that will reach out to both ASEAN and Africa, especially South Africa. Thus, the Modi government has its work cut out for itself. To begin with, it might enter the Asian arena with a response to the current crisis in Vietnamese waters where the Chinese are drilling. Modi can arrive on the world scene by loudly advocating a peaceful settlement, and even offering to mediate, as a neutral third party. It can draft the UN-honed political skills of Shashi Tharoor, even though he is an Opposition member of Parliament; and it can send a subtle message to China wrapped in bonhomie: you too are just another Asian power.

Wednesday, 21 May 2014

आव्हान जम्मू-आणि-काश्मीर मधील छुप्या युद्धाचे-ब्रिगेडिअर हेमंत महाजन युद्ध-सेवा-मेडल भारताची अंतर्गत सुरक्षेची अवस्था – भारतास भेडसावणारे पाच धोके काश्मीरचा वापर भारतप्रवेशाचे महाद्वार म्हणून करून घेण्याचा निर्धार इस्लामाबादने केलेला आहे. भारतास भेडसावत असणारे पाच मुख्य धोके पुढीलप्रमाणे आहेत. १. माओवाद/ नक्षलवाद/ डावा दहशतवाद २. ईशान्येचे बांगलादेशीकरण ३. किनारी प्रदेशातील दहशतवाद ४. काश्मीरमधील छुपे युद्ध ५. समाजाचे मूलतत्त्वीकरण/ जातीय दंगे जम्मू-आणि-काश्मीरमधील छुपे युद्ध सुरक्षादले, प्राथमिकतः भारतीय भूदलाने स्वातंत्र्यप्राप्तीपासून जम्मू-आणि-काश्मीरचा प्रत्यक्ष ताबा राखलेला आहे. राज्यातून जर भूदलास काढून घेतले तर, कितीही पोलीस, निमलष्करी दले दिली तरी ती राज्य सांभाळू शकणार नाहीत. राजकारणी आणि नोकरशहा ह्यांनी परिस्थितीवर तोडगा काढण्याकरता काहीही केलेले नाही. त्यामुळे धोका अनेक पटींनी वाढलेला आहे. काश्मीर खोर्यादतील निरनिराळ्या हुरियत कॉन्फरन्सच्या मोर्चांतून आणि दगडफेकी आंदोलनांतून, हजारोंच्या संख्येने येणार्या्, लष्कर-ए-तय्यबा, हिज्बुल-मुजाहिद्दीन, ऑल-पार्टीज-हुरियत-कॉन्फरन्स ह्यांच्या समर्थकांद्वारे फडकविल्या जाणार्या झेंड्यांनीच हा धोका प्रदर्शित होत असतो. शांतता प्रयत्नांच्या बुरख्याआड, पाकिस्तानच्या साहाय्याने, लष्करी-गुप्तवार्ता-आस्थापने शस्त्रास्त्रसज्ज घुसखोरांना काश्मिरात घुसवतच आहेत. सध्या ते दबा धरून आहेत, भारतीय संघराज्यावर अनेक आघाड्यांवर क्रूर-हिंसक-हल्ले करण्याच्या सुयोग्य संधीची वाट पाहत आहेत. हुरियत कॉन्फरन्सने आयोजित केलेल्या मोर्चांमधून अशा सूप्त शक्तींनी डोके वर काढले होते. पिपल्स-डेमॉक्रॅटिक-पार्टी आणि नॅशनल-कॉन्फरन्स ह्यांमधील राष्ट्रविरोधी राजकारण्यांकडून अशा शक्तींना सशक्त समर्थन मिळत असते. त्याचवेळी, इस्लामाबादेच्या मार्गदर्शनाखाली खेळल्या जात असलेल्या मनोवैज्ञानिक युद्धप्रयासांचा एक भाग म्हणून, ह्या वा त्या मुद्द्यावरून, भारतीय भूदलाची प्रतिमा मलीन करण्याची एक मोहीमही सुरू आहे. एवढी युद्धे आणि दहशतवादाची निर्यात करूनही इस्लामाबादला काश्मीर जिंकून घेता आलेले नाही, ह्याचे कारण भारतीय भूदलच आहे. त्यामुळेच, काश्मीर मधून निर्लष्करीकरणाबाबतची बोलणी आणि भूदल-विशेषाधिकार-कायदा रद्द करण्याची मोहीम, काश्मीरबाबतची त्यांची उद्दिष्टे साध्य करण्याचे केवळ बहाणे आहेत. काश्मीरमधील स्वातंत्र्य-लढ्याच्या बुरख्याआडचा इस्लामिक दहशतवाद हा, म्हणूनच संपूर्ण देशास अस्थिर करणारा आहे. काश्मीरचा उपयोग उर्वरित भारताकरताचे प्रवेशद्वार म्हणून करून घेण्याचा इस्लामाबादचा निर्धार आहे. हे पुस्तक, काश्मिरातील छुप्या युद्धावरील सम्यक समाधान शोधून काढण्याबाबतचे आहे. भारतासमोरील इतर सुरक्षा-आव्हाने १. पंथीय आणि जातीय हिंसाचार २. संघटित गुन्हेगारीः चित्रपट, बांधकाम उद्योग, इतर, आंतरराष्ट्रीय संबंध ३. अवनती: आजवर २०० आय.एस.आय.गटांचा शोध घेऊन त्यांचा नायनाट केला गेलेला आहे. अवनतीप्रत पोहोचलेले राजकारणी, नोकरशाही, पोलीस हेही आहेत ४. अति-महत्त्वाच्या-व्यक्तींना दिल्या जाणार्याह सुरक्षेस दिले जाणारे अतिरेकी महत्त्व. ५० ते ६०% पोलीसबळ ह्याकरता वापरले जाते, ज्यामुळे सामान्य माणसांच्या सुरक्षिततेस दहशतवादी, नक्षलवादी आणि गुन्हेगारांवर सोडून दिले जात असते. दहशतवादाची नवीन स्वरूपे १. सायबर दहशतवाद २. प्रारणशास्त्रीय-प्रसार-साधने (रेडिओलॉजिकल-डिस्पर्सल-डिव्हायसेस - आर.डी.डी.एस.) ३. भारतीय आण्विक आस्थापनांना असलेला धोका ४. भारताच्या किनारी संपत्तीस (किनार्याेवरील तेलफलाट, व्ही.एल.सी.सी.सारखी प्रचंड तेलवाहू जहाजे, आकर्षक व्यापारी लक्ष्ये) असलेला धोका ५. जैव आणि आण्विक दहशतवाद ६. दहशतवादी ई-मेल्स, एस.एम.एस. भारतीय सुरक्षेस असलेले गैर-लष्करी धोके १. शासनविहीनता २. मूलतत्त्ववाद ३. अन्न-सुरक्षा ४. ऊर्जा-सुरक्षा ५. पाणी-सुरक्षा ६. अंमली पदार्थांची युद्धे ७. तंत्रज्ञान नियंत्रक राजवटी ८. भ्रष्टाचार ९. अपयशी ठरणार्यां संस्था, नोकरशाही, न्यायव्यवस्था, पोलीस उपाय सर्व राजकीय पक्षांचा सुरक्षिततेकरताचा सामायिक किमान कार्यक्रम असणे आवश्यक आहे. हे पुस्तक माधवी-प्रकाशन-पुणे येथे, खालील पत्त्यावर विक्रीस उपलब्ध आहे. किंमत रु.२२५/-. चंद्रशेखर जोशी,दत्तकुटी, १४१६ सदाशिवपेठ, पुणे ४११०३०,दूरध्वनीः २४४७४७६२, २४४७५३७२, भ्रमणध्वनीः ९३२५०९७८९४,ई-मेलः madhavipublisher@gmail.com

Saturday, 17 May 2014

GEN HASNAIN ON NARENDRA MODI

Ata Hasnain I have taken it upon myself to spread a positive word about today's electoral results among the minorities who may be apprehensive. I expected someone else to do it but then realized that no one like's sticking one's neck out and I have been one with neck stretched to the limit. I tested it by placing a message on Moderate Voice of Kashmir page and found some excellent responses. What people have to realize is that there is a lot of difference between a campaign and subsequent governance. Every one tends to take utterances and gestures of a campaign quite literally. Many from the minority communities, especially the youth, have voted for Narender Modi. They too were apprehensive because for them it was all about testing the waters. I think this election is going to bring about a historic change in India. It may still take a little time for the minorities to come out of their mistrust and self doubts. For some one like me and many others who have had a cosmopolitan upbringing and exposure to a profession such as the Army there is never any apprehension. I always believe and say it aloud that the one thing a Pakistani citizen misses most is the opportunity to have friends and associates from different faiths. In India we take it for granted. We eat in each other's houses, see movies together and play games through childhood unmindful of the great education one is receiving in the process; the education of Tolerance and Acceptance. That needs to be taken into real life too. But there are many others who never get that chance and are brought up on a diet of exclusion; you cannot blame them; they have not been so fortunate. It is for society to infuse that confidence in them so that they too start believing in the delights of pluralism. In my perception a new chapter has opened in India's history. It will be a a great chapter if the minorities shed their fears and participate whole heartedly in this fresh and very passionate turn towards nation building in which all of us have a role to play. Nation building does not mean building up a community or a segment; it is every one at the wheel. The benefits of progress everyone is looking to are bound to flow if a disciplined, stable and committed government comes at the Centre. In many years we at last have it. Let us not allow this opportunity to pass with mutual suspicions and lack of confidence. If you are a true and well meaning Indian shed the inhibitions you may have had during the election campaign and look forward to the positives of growth. Somehow India has forgotten the meaning of stability; with its return it will take a little time getting used to it. But I think we are in for an El Dorado. So be it. Like ·