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Friday, 17 January 2014

BRIG HEMANT MAHAJAN ON NATIONAL SECURITY U TUBE

INDUAS NATIONAL SECURITY http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0n1jvSn6VVA&list=UU9_Sx5cV2XFmt-PLCK7zXfg&feature=c4-overview

NARENDRA MODY VS ARVIND KEJRIWAL PUBLIC GRIEVANCE SYSTEM

Why has Modi’s Excellent Public Grievance System (SWAGAT) never been talked about? Dear All, Anti-Corruption Hotline in Delhi has been touted as an amazing new thing for great Governance that AAP has brought in. But is it the first time that such a thing has happened in India? An emphatic NO ! This is actually happening in Gujarat sinc over 10 years now !! Those who work/stay in Gujarat as well as All the NGOs have seen this system in action in real time, shall vouch for it. Gujarat has had SWAGAT – an Online Grievance Redressal system for the common man. And, it wasn’t set up now. It has been going on since 2003! This is one of the most closely monitored project and brain-child of Mr. Narendra Modi !! The idea is not to simply set aside the complaint and move on. The measure of success is redressal of the complaint. The system works in a Decentralized way but the responsibility and the redressal is handled centrally. The step-wise Process of addressing the complaint is: ~Grievances can be logged in Anytime From Anywhere, and are transmitted and made available online to the officers concerned who have to reply within 3 to 4 hours. ~The departments concerned then have to be ready with the replies, before 3 p.m., when the Chief Minister holds video conference with all the districts concerned. ~ The applicants ( complainants) are also present in their respective places for the video conference. ~Applicants are called out by name one by one and the chief minister examines each complaint in detail. ~The information sent by the department is also reviewed online in the presence of the complainant and the Collector/District Development Officer/Superintendent of Police and other officials concerned. ~Attempts are made to offer a fair and acceptable solution on the same day and no applicant has ever left without any firm reply to his grievance. The entire process relies on the Gujarat State Wide Network GSWAN – and “it connects the Central State Secretariat with all central ministries and departments, with all 25 district headquarters (the second tier of state government), with hundreds of district-level offices, and with all 225 taluka headquarters (the third tier of state government). A relatively simple intranet-based application was developed by the NIC [ National Informatics Centre- An Apex body of the Central Govt ! ] in order to administer and manage the SWAGAT cases.” The scheme and its execution has won the United Nations Public Service Award in 2010. However, THE IRONY IS : None of our media ( whether Electronic or Print ) has bothered to Highlight this Quiet SOCIAL REVOLUTION brought about by Modi . At least , Let us be fair , and without undermining the Current/Present efforts of Mr. Kejriwal, Let Us Spread awareness of Modi's this YEOMAN's Job far & wide and to every Indian Citizen in Our own country as well as Abroad. Parkinson's Law of Delay: (Applies to all authorities in India) Delay is the deadliest form of denial. __._,

Tuesday, 14 January 2014

PRASHANT BHUSHAN STYLE REFERENDUMS ON NATIONAL SECURITY ISSUES-what are arrvind kejriwals views

PRASHANT BHUSHAN STYLE REFERENDUMS ON NATIONAL SECURITY ISSUES After Prashant Bhushan, a senior member of the Aam Aadmi Party, controversially recommended a referendum on deployment of the army in Kashmir, the party was constrained to distance itself from Bhushan’s views. Security requirements could not be decided by the people, clarified party chief Arvind Kejriwal, while insisting, more generally and unexceptionably, that local sentiments must be respected. This controversy foregrounds the AAP’s wobbly judgement on what political representation entails — the ways in which people exercise their voice in a democracy, and how their will is made manifest. Meanwhile, as if in response to the impression it has created, the AAP is reaching out to Kashmiris. It is texting messages to people, seeking ‘ideas’ and ‘act­ion plans’ from potential volunteers about this year’s parliamentary and assembly polls. Those int­­e­­rested have been asked to approach the party. “For now, AAP’s focus is on the parliamentary elections. After that, definitely the assembly elections in J&K,” says Samir Sar, a Gurgaon-based Kashmiri Pandit who is handling AAP’s J&K chapter.Elections to the state assembly are exp­ec­ted in autumn, when the Omar Abdullah government completes its six-year term. After stoking controversy with his remarks on Kashmir, Aam Aadmi Party leader Prashant Bhushan on Sunday drew flak from all for saying that there should be a referendum for deployment of security forces against Maoists in the affected areas. Bhushan, whose demand for a referendum on deployment of security forces in Kashmir had raised hackles, with his party AAP also distancing itself from it, called for a vote on the issue of deploying central paramilitary forces in Naxal-infested areas. BJP spokesperson Nirmala Sitharaman said the efforts of the Centre, which is trying to tackle the issue with the help of state governments, will be negated by such statements and security forces will be demoralized.The party asked the AAP leadership and CM Arvind Kejriwal to make clear their stand on the issue. All are astonished at the way Prashant Bhushan is speaking out on issues which have serious implications on national security. Only on Saturday he talked about referendum for deploying central forces in Naxal-infested areas. We should condemns such kind of periodic statements which have a direct relation on internal security. When Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has himself termed Naxals an the most serious threat to India's internal security, such statements are not good for the nation. "None of us have any business to demoralize the security forces who are tackling the Maoists and Naxals waging a war against the Indian government." Prashant Bhushan is challenging the integrity of the sovereign nation. All they want is a cheap publicity. Unfortunately India has so many anti India stance people living on generous policies of the nation abusing freedom afforded to them. Prashant Bhushan fond of referendums. Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) leader Prashant Bhushan is evidently fond of referendums. In this, he's not alone, AAP itself having conducted mass SMS voting on whether it should form government in Delhi. However, Bhushan's view involving the popular polling exercise, extending to letting Kashmiris decide via referendum whether they'd like the armed forces to exit or stay, earned him hostility from all patriotic Indians. Yet, Bhushan remains keen on a great big referendum — adding a new location too. He now reportedly wishes to have a referendum on whether deployment of central paramilitary forces in Naxalite-affected areas should continue. Expectedly, as his party shivers with deja vu, All are demanding to know what AAP chief Arvind Kejriwal has to say. While Kejriwal figures out an AAP-appropriate response, Bhushan could helpfully elaborate on his vision — who would vote in this referendum? Would middle-class metro citizens, thousands of miles away from dangerous Dantewada, voice their views? Would the area's tribal communities, caught between a rock and a hard place, express themselves via postcard or mobile phone? And would the Naxalites themselves take a break between encounter and extortion to type: 'Yes', 'No' or 'Maybe'? Suggestions like his only trivialise serious security issues, lost in the sound and fury that ensue around them. If we must have a referendum to while away wintry days, instead of pondering diverse security arrangements, let's have one on Prashant Bhushan and whether it's time he gave his referendum fever a rest. We need a referendum whether to send him to Timbuktu or else where?The 24 Hour TV Channels could cover this momentous event all day showing trends. We hope that the election commission will not ban the exit polls. We have had licence raj and other similar Rajs. Are we heading for Refrundum Raj? By this can we expect to rule a country? Once every five years, the Elecction Commission conducts a credible referendum, nationally and in the states, about how Indians wish to be governed. That is supplemented by elections to local bodies, rural and urban. In such a large, diverse, populous land, that referendum is enough.

Monday, 13 January 2014

PREASHANT BHUSHAN , Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), mass SMS voting

PREASHANT BHUSHAN , Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), mass SMS voting Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) leader Prashant Bhushan is evidently fond of referendums. In this, he's not alone, AAP itself having conducted mass SMS voting on whether it should form government in Delhi. However, Bhushan's view involving the popular polling exercise, extending to letting Kashmiris decide via referendum whether they'd like the armed forces to exit or stay, earned him thunderous response in the physical violence unleashed upon him by right-wing goons. And it didn't stop there — when Bhushan recently repeated his view, a right-wing group attacked AAP's office in Ghaziabad. Yet, Bhushan remains keen on a great big referendum — adding a new location too. He now reportedly wishes to have a referendum on whether deployment of central paramilitary forces in Naxalite-affected areas should continue. Expectedly, as his party shivers with deja vu, BJP has rushed into the fray, hotly demanding to know what AAP chief Arvind Kejriwal has to say. While Kejriwal figures out an AAP-propriate response, Bhushan could helpfully elaborate on his vision — who would vote in this referendum? Would middle-class metro citizens, thousands of miles away from dangerous Dantewada, voice their views? Would the area's tribal communities, caught between a rock and a hard place, express themselves via postcard or mobile phone? And would the Naxalites themselves take a break between encounter and extortion to type: 'Yes', 'No' or 'Maybe'? Of course nobody has the right to express disagreement with Bhushan via physical assault. Still, suggestions like his only trivialise serious security issues, lost in the sound and fury that ensue around them. If we must have a referendum to while away wintry days, instead of pondering diverse security arrangements, let's have one on Prashant Bhushan and whether it's time he gave his referendum fever a rest. We have had licence raj and other similar Rajs. Are we heading for Refrundum Raj? By this can we expect to rule a country? Once every five years, the ECI conducts a credible referendum, nationally and in the states, about how Indians wish to be governed. That is supplemented by elections to local bodies, rural and urban. In such a large, diverse, populous land, that is referendum enough. We need a refrendum whether to send him to Timbuktu Prashant Bhushan type of people are anti India unity. They are challenging the integrity of the sovereign nation. All they want is a cheap publicity. Unfortunately India has so many anti India stance people living on generous policies of the nation abusing freedom afforded to them. At times you feel like offering them exit to a country of their choice. In many countries Electricity is produced by nuclear power plant, the only thing required is security. You cannot just speak against generating electricity using nuclear power plant if you have exactly no idea about the threat. Japan faced the disaster still they are producing electricity by nulclear power plants. AAP stand is just to get local support, and it has been observed everywhere. This party is just going after sentiments of people and planning to win LS polls then when their leaders have no stand on National issues. Why Mr. Kejriwal is asking for Modi and Rahul's view on national issues, so that he can ask for public support on their view through Mail and SMS and whichever view gets higher votes, that view will be publicized by Mr. Kejriwal. He is not having any idea on National issues and neither this party can do anything for this Country. The only hope is Mr. Modi and BJP. AAP has no leader to be considered as National leader. I heard one of his leader yesterday and all he was talking was nonsense. Mr. Yogendra Yadav is more interested in increasing the reservation quota just to appease some community. Same is with Mr. Kejriwal and Prashant Bhushan. Only people who will vote without using their brain in LS will votefor them. Mr. Modi is the only need of hour and I will vote for him. NEW DELHI: After stoking controversy with his remarks on Kashmir, Aam Aadmi Party leader Prashant Bhushan on Sunday drew flak from BJP for reportedly saying that there should be a referendum for deployment of security forces against Maoists in the affected areas. Bhushan, whose demand for a referendum on deployment of security forces in Kashmir had raised hackles, with his party AAP also distancing itself from it, on Saturday called for a vote on the issue of deploying central paramilitary forces in Naxal-infested areas. BJP spokesperson Nirmala Sitharaman said the efforts of the Centre, which is trying to tackle the issue with the help of state governments, will be negated by such statements and security forces will be demoralized. The party asked the AAP leadership and CM Arvind Kejriwal to make clear their stand on the issue. "BJP is astonished at the way Prashant Bhushan is speaking out on issues which have serious implications on national security. Only on Saturday he talked about referendum for deploying central forces in Naxal-infested areas. BJP condemns such kind of periodic statements which have a direct relation on internal security," she said. She said when Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has himself termed Naxals an the most serious threat to India's internal security, such statements are not good for the nation. "None of us have any business to demoralize the security forces who are tackling the Maoists and Naxals waging a war against the Indian government." After Prashant Bhushan, a senior member of the Aam Aadmi Party, controversially recommended a referendum on deployment of the army in Kashmir, the party was constrained to distance itself from Bhushan’s views. Security requirements could not be decided by the people, clarified party chief Arvind Kejriwal, while insisting, more generally and unexceptionably, that local sentiments must be respected. This controversy foregrounds the AAP’s wobbly judgement on what political representation entails — the ways in which people exercise their voice in a democracy, and how their will is made manifest.

PLACE ITBP UNDER ARMY COMMAND ON INDO CHINA BORDER

China: LAC impasse and Army-ITBP spat, By Lt Gen JS Bajwa First the facts - Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) has five battalions deployed in Eastern Ladakh including those on the Line of Actual Control (LAC). ITBP does not have its own integral intelligence setup so essential in an operational situation. - The DIG Headquarter controlling these forces is located at Srinagar, 258 air km and 418 road km from Leh. Zoji La, on the Himalayan Range, and located on the main highway from Srinagar to Leh, is closed to road traffic from November to end May. - Considering the separation of the Headquarter from the units, an adhoc Headquarter is functional under the Deputy at Leh – a compromise solution at best, considering the division of resources. - ITBP communications are based, primarily, on High Frequency radio, which is most vulnerable to interception and being jammed when required particularly in an operational situation. - The role of ITBP amplifies the tasks of the Force as – to guard the Northern borders and prevent violations and encroachments, prevent smuggling, unauthorized movement of goods, weapons, personnel and such like non-traditional threats in the border areas. - ITBP does not have its own integral intelligence setup so essential in an operational situation. - Thus the orientation of the force is essentially towards “policing” tasks. The Ground Realties. - The Army has Infantry and Mechanized forces suitably located with robust combat support and controlling headquarters well forward and within easy reach of the LAC. The Chinese Border Defence Units deployed and garrisoned along the entire LAC are directly under the PLA, which is surely not mere “policing” duties. - India’s perception of the LAC is undemarcated on ground but has been identified along suitable geographical and relief features. - India and China have unilaterally delineated the LAC on their respective maps but have not shared the same with each other. As a result, each assumes the others perception from the activities that both carry out to dominate upto their respective perceptions. - Consequently, common areas claimed by both arise, and are contested for by the militaries. Often termed,inappropriately, as “no-mans land”. India generally terms it as “no-mans land” which is not paid heed to by China, thus putting India at a disadvantage. India should modify term to “Both-mans Land”, so that India does not restrain its troops from operating in that area. - Very evidently, the LAC is a “LIVE” boundary, and should be manned accordingly. The PLA platoon strength that camped in Depsang was no group of local herdsmen or Yak smugglers or in any way could be construed as non-traditional threat. Therefore if required more than a “Police “ force response. - The Chinese Border Defence Units deployed and garrisoned along the entire LAC are directly under the PLA, which is surely not mere “policing” duties. - The Army has a comprehensive (in as much there is) intelligence setup and has wherewithal for intelligence gathering and substantial surveillance resources. Domination of LAC by patrolling by both Army and ITBP, is a wasteful duplication of effort. - The Army has a secure radio and static line communication network with adequate redundancies built-in for exercising optimal operational command and control. - The Army has a well structured tiered establishment for force buildup and undertakes an emergent or graduated operational response at the place of its own choosing right across the entire LAC. Provided the field commanders are not constrained at the tactical level, due to a politically cautious stance. Operational Milieu. - Army and ITBP posts are often co-located but operating independently. Command and control is exercised along two parallel verticals with informal personality based lateral inter-action. - Domination of LAC by patrolling by both Army and ITBP, is a wasteful duplication of effort. - Inter-communication between Army and ITBP is adhoc and is mainly provided from Army resources. ITBP’s integral radio equipment is incompatible with equipment currently in use by the Army. Consequently the ITBP personnel are required to be trained on it. Given the nature of the high altitude of the region there is frequent movement of such personnel making the whole exercise temporary and fragmented. The Army is the Nations “punch”. It should be asserting its strength through fire power and guts not “military diplomacy”. The Nation has to speak from a position of strength. The Army gives it this strength. It needs to be recognized. - New raisings in ITBP units a unilateral undertaking by MHA and ITBP without heed to the overall security fallout along the LAC by this augmentation. Consequences. - With a Police force deployed on the LAC, the Chinese will interpret it as a tacit acceptance of the Indian Government that the LAC is not a “LIVE” border that needs to be guarded by military forces. A benign approach to the whole India-China Boundary question. - To accept ITBP as the first responder to a conventional tactical situation without requisite integral support with heavier weapons and combat support in the form of dedicated artillery or air support is willfully making them “cannon fodder” by powers that be. - Constraining the tactical initiative of tactical field commanders by a policy of restraint and reticence will always allow the PLA to wrest the initiative in battle. - Any form of pre-emption or “cold start” by the Army is not feasible in these circumstances. Indian Army will only be fire fighting to save its glorious image. - The Army is the Nations “punch”. It should be asserting its strength through fire power and guts not “military diplomacy”. The Nation has to speak from a position of strength. The Army gives it this strength. It needs to be recognized. The Revamping Necessary. - Place all ITBP forces deployed along the LAC under the Army for operational control. - Induction of new equipment into the Force, should as a policy, be cleared by the Army from the technical and logistic compatibility point of view. Conclusion. - MHA’s reluctance to place the ITBP under the Army is indicative of the underlying resistance of the IPS lobby to serve under any commander from the Army. IPS as seen from the factual ground realities considers itself as an “administrative cadre” akin to IAS. They loathe the notion of leading from the front as field commanders. The direct entry ITBP young officers endorse the requirement of operating under the Army. - What is of paramount importance is National Security Interests. This cannot be hijacked by some blatant parochial group interest. The matter is too serious to be left to the whims or fancy of the bureaucracy. If the MHA cannot decide then let the people decide whose security is the Government of India’s responsibility

CORRUPTION INEFFICIENCY IN INDIA

Get the job done Jug Suraiya , --- Times of India issue dated 08 01 14 More than corruption, it’s gross inefficiency that’s India’s biggest problem Driving back to Delhi on NH 24, we came to a fork in the road. There was no signboard to indicate which was the route to Delhi, or where the other road went. Eventually we got directions from a passing bullock cart (yes, a bullock cart on a so-called National Highway). The highway cost thousands of crores to build. Much of that money must have gone by way of graft to a hierarchy of netas, babus, contractors and middlemen. Having denuded the public coffers of all that money, no one involved in the project thought of spending a few hundred rupees in putting up a signboard which would help travellers get to their destinations without help from passing bullock carts. We all decry corruption as being the biggest obstacle to national progress. Certainly corruption, at all levels of our polity, is a heavy burden on the country. But the final straw that breaks the Indian elephant’s back is not graft but sheer inefficiency – a seemingly innate inability to get the job done and get it done right. We’ll build a multi-crore highway, and then fail to put adequate signage on it so that travellers can find their way. We can spend thousands of crores – many of which were siphoned away – on an extravaganza like the Commonwealth Games, and then become the jeering stock of the world because of filthy toilets. For almost 70 years we’ve spent many fortunes on supposed subsidies for the poor which have enriched rent-seekers while entrenching poverty rather than eradicating it. Corruption is only part of the cause of our failures on all these and other fronts. The other, if not major, reason for our being unable to get things done is our genius for bungling, for getting things wrong instead of getting them right. Other societies are as corrupt as ours. Thailand and China being just two examples. Currently, the Thai government is facing massive unrest because of its alleged chronic corruption. But the average Thai citizen is better off than the average Indian. In the early 1970s, the Thai baht was worth about 50 paise Indian; today the baht is worth about two rupees. Corrupt Thailand has gone forward, corrupt India has gone backward. There is large-scale corruption in China. Recently, one of the highest political luminaries, Bo Xilai, was tried and sentenced to life for corrupt practices (will India ever witness a neta, or any other so-called ‘high-up’, being executed for a similar offence?). Despite all its graft and corruption, which is equal to if not greater than India’s, China has far outstripped us in material progress. India has a lesson to learn from China and Thailand: be corrupt if you must, but with it be efficient; take the money, but deliver the goods. India’s biggest bane is not corruption, it is not that people in power steal money; it is that those who steal our money seem incapable of accomplishing anything – from building a user-friendly highway to eliminating poverty through subsidies and other schemes. Arvind Kejriwal’s AAP has risen like a desi avatar of St George to battle the dragon of corruption. But it might have an even bigger ogre to combat in the form of systemic ineptitude which just can’t make things work. That’s the real job cut out for AAP. Will it be able to get the job done? __._,_._____,_._,___--

CIA,S TROJAN HORSE ENTERS INDIA-YOU DECIDE CORRECTNESS

CIA’s Trojan Horse enters the Heart of India ShelleyKasli / December 9, 2013 The CIA uses philanthropic foundations as the most effective conduit to channel large sums of money to Agency projects without alerting the recipients to their source. From the early 1950s to the present the CIA’s intrusion into the foundation field was and is huge. A U.S. Congressional investigation in 1976 revealed that nearly 50% of the 700 grants in the field of international activities by the principal foundations were funded by the CIA. The CIA considers foundations such as Ford “The best and most plausible kind of funding cover”. The collaboration of respectable and prestigious foundations, according to one former CIA operative, allowed the Agency to fund “a seemingly limitless range of covert action programs affecting youth groups, labor unions, universities, publishing houses and other private institutions”. The latter included “human rights” groups beginning in the 1950s to the present. One of the most important “private foundations” collaborating with the CIA over a significant span of time in major projects in the cultural Cold War is the Ford Foundation. CIA & The Ford Foundation By the late 1950s the Ford Foundation possessed over $3 billion in assets. The leaders of the Foundation were in total agreement with Washington’s post-WWII projection of world power. A noted scholar of the period writes: ““At times it seemed as if the Ford Foundation was simply an extension of government in the area of international cultural propaganda. The foundation had a record of close involvement in covert actions in Europe, working closely with Marshall Plan and CIA officials on specific projects”. This is graphically illustrated by the naming of Richard Bissell as President of the Foundation in 1952. In his two years in office Bissell met often with the head of the CIA, Allen Dulles, and other CIA officials in a “mutual search” for new ideas. In 1954 Bissell left Ford to become a special assistant to Allen Dulles in January 1954. Under Bissell, the Ford Foundation (FF) was the “vanguard of Cold War thinking”. One of the FF first Cold War projects was the establishment of a publishing house, Inter-cultural Publications, and the publication of a magazine Perspectives in Europe in four languages. The FF purpose according to Bissell was not “so much to defeat the leftist intellectuals in dialectical combat (sic) as to lure them away from their positions”. The board of directors of the publishing house was completely dominated by cultural Cold Warriors. Given the strong leftist culture in Europe in the post-war period, Perspectives failed to attract readers and went bankrupt. Another journal Der Monat funded by the Confidential Fund of the U.S. military and run by Melvin Lasky was taken over by the FF, to provide it with the appearance of independence. In 1954 the new president of the FF was John McCloy. He epitomized imperial power. Prior to becoming president of the FF he had been Assistant Secretary of War, president of the World Bank, High Commissioner of occupied Germany, chairman of Rockefeller’s Chase Manhattan Bank, Wall Street attorney for the big seven oil companies and director of numerous corporations. As High Commissioner in Germany, McCloy had provided cover for scores of CIA agents. Than CIA’s head Allen Dulles’ best bud, John McCloy,is shown here with David Rockefeller and Chase Manhattan executives after he successfully merged the Warburg’s Manhattan bank with Rockefeller’s Chase bank. A top Rockefeller leutenant, McCloy acted for decades on the family’s behalf as an adviser to presidents and dictators. He even shared a box with Hitler and Goering at the 1936 Olympics. McCloy integrated the FF with CIA operations. He created an administrative unit within the FF specifically to deal with the CIA. McCloy headed a three person consultation committee with the CIA to facilitate the use of the FF for a cover and conduit of funds. With these structural linkages the FF was one of those organizations the CIA was able to mobilize for political warfare against the anti-imperialist and pro-communist left. Official photo of Warren Commissioners that covered-up JFK Assassination. Allen Dulles(than head of the CIA) is seen second from left. To his right is John J. McCloy, lawyer and troubleshooter for both the Warburg and Rockefeller family. McCloy was appointed as a member of the Warren Commission, purely for the purposes of disguising Rockefeller’s crime. Numerous CIA “fronts” received major FF grants. Numerous supposedly “independent” CIA sponsored cultural organizations, human rights groups, artists and intellectuals received CIA/FF grants. One of the biggest donations of the FF was to the CIA organized Congress for Cultural Freedom which received $7 million by the early 1960s. Numerous CIA operatives secured employment in the FF and continued close collaboration with the Agency. McCloy (extreme left) with the rest of the gang, the other six hacks & fraudsters, of the Warren Commission, as they present the phony report to President Ford. From its very origins there was a close structural relation and interchange of personnel at the highest levels between the CIA and the FF. This structural tie was based on the common imperial interests which they shared. The result of their collaboration was the proliferation of a number of journals and access to the mass media which pro-U.S. intellectuals used to launch vituperative polemics against Marxists and other anti-imperialists. The FF funding of these anti-Marxists organizations and intellectuals provided a legal cover for their claims of being “independent” of government funding (CIA). One prominent journalist, Andrew Kopkind, wrote of a deep sense of moral disillusionment with the private foundation-funded CIA cultural fronts. Kopkind wrote ““The distance between the rhetoric of the open society and the reality of control was greater than anyone thought. Everyone who went abroad for an American organization was, in one way or another, a witness to the theory that the world was torn between communism and democracy and anything in between was treason. The illusion of dissent was maintained: the CIA supported socialist cold warriors, fascist cold warriors, black and white cold warriors. The catholicity and flexibility of the CIA operations were major advantages. But it was a sham pluralism and it was utterly corrupting”. When a U.S. journalist Dwight Macdonald who was an editor of Encounter (a FF-CIA funded influential cultural journal) sent an article critical of U.S. culture and politics it was rejected by the editors, working closely with the CIA. In the field of painting and theater the CIA worked with the FF to promote abstract expressionism against any artistic expression with a social content, providing funds and contacts for highly publicized exhibits in Europe and favorable reviews by “sponsored” journalists. The interlocking directorate between the CIA, the Ford Foundation and the New York Museum of Modern Art lead to a lavish promotion of “individualistic” art remote from the people — and a vicious attack on European painters, writers and playwrights writing from a critical realist perspective. “Abstract Expressionism” whatever its artist’s intention became a weapon in the Cold War. The Ford Foundation’s history of collaboration and interlock with the CIA in pursuit of U.S. world hegemony is now a well-documented fact. The remaining issue is whether that relationship continues into the new Millenium after the exposures of the 1960s? The FF made some superficial changes. They are more flexible in providing small grants to human rights groups and academic researchers who occasionally dissent from U.S. policy. They are not as likely to recruit CIA operatives to head the organization. More significantly they are likely to collaborate more openly with the U.S. government in its cultural and educational projects, particularly with the Agency of International Development. The FF has in some ways refined their style of collaboration with Washington’s attempt to produce world cultural domination, but retained the substance of that policy. For example the FF is very selective in the funding of educational institutions. Like the IMF, the FF imposes conditions such as the “professionalization” of academic personnel and “raising standards.” In effect this translates into the promotion of social scientific work based on the assumptions, values and orientations of the U.S. empire; to have professionals de-linked from the class struggle and connected with pro-imperial U.S. academics and foundation functionaries supporting the neo-liberal model. As in the 1950s and 60s the Ford Foundation today has developed a sophisticated strategy of funding human rights groups (HRGs) that appeal to Washington to change its policy while denouncing U.S. adversaries their “systematic” violations. The FF supports HRGs which equate massive state terror by the U.S. with individual excesses of anti-imperialist adversaries. The FF finances HRGs which do not participate in anti-globalization and anti-neoliberal mass actions and which defend the Ford Foundation as a legitimate and generous “non-governmental organization”. In the current period of a major U.S. military-political offensive, Washington has posed the issue as “terrorism or democracy,” just as during the Cold War it posed the question as “Communism or Democracy.” In both instances the Empire recruited and funded “front organizations, intellectuals and journalists to attack its anti-imperialist adversaries and neutralize its democratic critics. The Ford Foundation is well situated to replay its role as collaborator to cover for the New Cultural Cold War. CIA’s Trojan Horse reaches India India had been sucked into the spiral of this Cultural Cold War since a long time. However with the US economy already bust and the EU falling like dominos; it is again the East where the West would anchor it’s sinking ship of so called Exceptionalism that fuels the Western Civilization. The game on the Indian side is very well crafted and carried out through CIA’s Trojan Horse which has entered into the heart of Indian Politics – Delhi. A new political party pledging to sweep corruption from the Indian capital made surprising gains in state elections, grabbing a huge share of votes from the incumbent Congress party and leaving Delhi with no clear leader on Monday — and no party willing to form a coalition. The fledgling Aam Aadmi Party, or Common Man’s Party, seized 28 of Delhi’s 70 assembly seats just nine months after its formation. The Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party took first place with 31, while Congress was left with a meagre eight, a stunning decline from its previous 43. All three ruled out entering into a governing alliance, leaving the capital in a leadership lurch and raising the possibility of new elections. CIA lays the “Foundation” of Indian Policymaking The Ford Foundation, which completes six decades in India next year, provides a continuing flow of grants to institutions, think-tanks, civil society, and even farmer groups, to carry out research and advocacy work. The sums are not inconsequential—about $15 million (about Rs 70 crore) a year. And the recipients—320 grants, over the past four years—are the who’s who of civil society and advocacy groups in India. Its representative, Steven Solnick, said the Foundation’s last installment to Kabir (an NGO run by Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia) was in 2010. “Our first grant to the NGO was of $1,72,000 in 2005 ; the second was in 2008 of $1,97,000,” he told Business Standard. Steven Solnick – Ford Foundation’s representative in India Kabir, run by Arvind Kejriwal and Manish Sisodia, key figures in AAP(Aam Aadmi Party), has received $400,000 from the Ford Foundation in the last three years. Link for $197,000 – now removed by Ford. Refer screenshot of the same below. http://www.fordfoundation.org/grants/grantdetails?grantid=107117 In reply to an RTI query that questioned the funding and expenditure of Kabir, the organisation has disclosed that they have received funds from the Ford Foundation (Rs 86,61,742), PRIA (Rs 2,37,035), Manjunath Shanmugam Trust (Rs 3,70,000), Dutch Embassy (Rs 19,61,968), Association for India’s Development (Rs 15,00,000), India’s friends Association (Rs 7,86,500), United Nationals Development Programme (Rs12,52,742) while Rs 11,35,857 were collected from individual donations between 2007 to 2010. Kejriwal Admits, His NGO Took Money From Ford Foundation 2 Years Back Interestingly, a major part of the funding to an organisation that is prominent in the “War against corruption” has come from abroad and mainly from the United States. Apar from the UNDP, Ford Foundation and the India Friends Association are US-based organisations, while PRIA and Association for India’s Development are headquartered in Asia. The foundation, on its part, makes no bones about its neo-liberal agenda, broadly pro-market, seeking accountability in governance, and promoting marginalised groups. It funds a small number of institutions, but chooses effectively. At a post-budget meeting two years back, it was noted that all the think-tanks represented (NCAER, NIPFP, ICRIER and the Centre for Policy Research) on the dais received grants from the foundation. Academicians and scholars from these think-tanks are regularly consulted by the government on various policy issues. On whether the views of these intellectuals actually get reflected in subsequent policies, Planning Commission deputy chairman Montek Singh Ahluwalia declines to comment. “I don’t really have a view on it,” he says. He does, however, concede that India’s association with the foundation “is something that has been on for a long time”. Moreover, three of core members ( Arvind Kejriwal, Kiran Bedi and Manish Sisodia) are also Magsaysay award winners which are endowed by the Ford Foundation and Rockefeller. The Three Stooges As far as the Magsaysay Award winners are concerned, this award is an American award for Asians established and funded by the Rockefeller Foundation ostensibly in memory of Ramon Magsaysay, the former President of Philippines. According to well-placed sources in the U. S. Intelligence community opposed to the State Department’s policy toward the Philippines, $30 million in covert funds was supplied to the Philippine opposition to help finance its presidential campaign. This $30 million was laundered through Hong Kong, where the money was converted into the Philippine peso at the black market rate of 20 pesos to the dollar. Philippine sources reported that the money had, been in part funneled into the CIA-controlled citizens elec­tion watch group, called Namfrel , the National Movement for a Free Election, which was originally created in 1953 in order to bring Ramon Magsaysay into power. Namfrel was central in the State Department’s policy of intervening into the Philippines election. In 1957, the Rockefeller Foundation established the Ramon Magsaysay Prize for community leaders in Asia. It was named after Ramon Magsaysay, president of the Philippines, a crucial ally in the US campaign against Communism in Southeast Asia. In 2000, the Ford Foundation established the Ramon Magsaysay Emergent Leadership Award. The Magsaysay Award is considered a prestigious award among artists, activists and community workers in India. M.S. Subbulakshmi and Satyajit Ray won it, so did Jayaprakash Narayan and journalists, P. Sainath. In general, it has become a gentle arbiter of what kind of activism is “acceptable” and what is not. In reality the award is the living memory of the dictatorial president of Philippines known for the murder of thousands of communist guerrillas during the Huk Rebellion under US-planned anti-communist counter-insurgency operations. It explains the silence of the anti-corruption group against corporations and the private sector. For more details read : CIA manipulation of 1953 elections This perfectly fits in with a recent shift in the US policy of association with India, which is now focusing on building state-to-state partnerships by “engaging Indian state and local leaders” throughout the country on “topics of mutual interest”. Civil society groups and think-tanks are expected to play an important role in this. As Prof Anil Gupta of IIM-Ahmedabad observes, “Their influence is far beyond what is recognized, and not always benign.” Should NGOs receiving grants from international agencies like the Ford Foundation and others be barred from participating in the shaping of public policy? And are these civil society groups working as stooges of the West to execute an “American agenda” ? These are the question the Aam Aadmi has to answer. Not the copyrighted ones; but the real Aam Aadmi. Report by Shelley Kasli

Sunday, 12 January 2014

A surprising confession on Kargil by Lt Gen Shahid Aziz,

A surprising confession on Kargil by Lt Gen Shahid Aziz, >> Former GOC 4 Corps, Pak Army >> >> January 06, 2013 . >> >> Kargil, like every other meaningless war that we have fought, brings home lessons we continue to refuse to learn. Instead, we proudly call it our history written in the blood of our children. Indeed, our children penning down our misdeeds with their blood! Medals for some, few songs, a cross road renamed, and of course annual remembrance day and a memorial for those who sacrificed their tomorrow for our today; thus preparing more war fodder for our continuing misadventures. Since nothing went wrong, so there is nothing to learn. We shall do it again. We decide. You die. We sing. >> >> Cut off from the reality of pain and affliction that would be brought upon the nation, the decision maker takes the course most suited to his whimsical ambitions. Possible hurdles are sidetracked, on the basis of ‘need to know’, or merely bulldozed. Never has there been an institutional decision for the bloodshed. And at the end of each fiasco, original objectives are redefined to cry, “Hurrah! We have won”. >> >> Our leaders seek personal glory, and desire honour in the eyes of other nations. Sadly, that has become our definition of national honour; but how can we be respected when we have little self respect? So concerned have we become about how they perceive us that we openly deride our religion and all the social values that we once stood for. >> >> The whole truth about Kargil is yet to be known. We await the stories of forgotten starved soldiers hiding behind cold desolate rocks, with empty guns still held in their hands. What stood them there could only be a love higher than that of life. Some refused to withdraw even when ordered, and stayed to fight the proverbial last man last round. Such precious blood spilled without cause! >> >> Whatever little I know, took a while to emerge, since General Musharraf had put a tight lid on Kargil. Three years later, a study commenced by GHQ to identify issues of concern at the lowest levels of command, was forcefully stopped by him. “What is your intent?” he asked. His cover-up was revealed many years later, on publication of his book. >> >> An unsound military plan based on invalid assumptions, launched with little preparations and in total disregard to the regional and international environment, was bound to fail. That may well have been the reason for its secrecy. It was a total disaster. The question then arises why was it undertaken? Were there motives other than those proclaimed, or was it only a blunder, as I had assumed for many years? >> >> It certainly wasn’t a defensive manoeuvre. There were no indications of an Indian attack. We didn’t pre-empt anything; nothing was on the cards. I was then heading the Analysis Wing of Inter Services Intelligence and it was my job to know. Our clearly expressed intent was to cut the supply line to Siachen and force the Indians to pull out. This was not a small result we sought and cannot be classified as a tactical manoeuvre, where no one other than the local commander needed to be aware. General Musharraf himself writes, “800 sq kms of area was captured.... and it created strategic effects”. To say that occupying empty spaces along the Line of Control was not a violation of any agreement and came under the purview of the local commander is astounding. This area was with the Indians as a result of Simla Agreement, and there had been no major violation of the Line of Control since 1971. >> >> The entire planning and execution was done in a cavalier manner, in total disregard of military convention. In justification, to say that our assessment was not wrong, but there was, “unreasonably escalated Indian response” is a sorry excuse for not being able to assess Indian reaction. Assumptions were made that they would not be able to dislodge us and the world would sit back idly. >> >> There were no mujahideen, only taped wireless messages, which fooled no one. Our soldiers were made to occupy barren ridges, with hand held weapons and ammunition. There was no way to dig in, so they were told to make parapets with lose stones and sit behind them, with no overhead protection. The boys were comforted by their commander’s assessment that no serious response would come. But it did — wave after wave, supported by massive air bursting artillery and repeated air attacks. The enemy still couldn’t manage to capture the peaks, and instead filled in the valleys. Cut off and forsaken, our posts started collapsing one after the other, though the general publicly denied it. >> >> The gung-ho mannerism, when there were no pressures, was cowed when lines started shrinking and the international setting became frightening. There was no will to stay the course. Media was hushed to silence, so that pulling out does not become a political issue. We will sing when our songs don’t tie us down. >> >> The operation, in any case, didn’t have the capacity to choke Siachen. When this truth surfaced, the initial aim was quickly modified. Now the book reads, “I would like to state emphatically that whatever movement has taken place so far in the direction of finding a solution to Kashmir is due considerably to the Kargil conflict.” Glory be to the victors. >> >> We continue to indulge in bloody enterprises, under the hoax of safeguarding national interest. How many more medals will we put on coffins? How many more songs are we to sing? And how many more martyrs will our silences hide? If there is purpose to war then yes, we shall all go to the battle front, but a war where truth has to be hidden, makes one wonder whose interest is it serving? >> >> It must be Allah’s country, for who else is holding it afloat?! >> >>