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Friday 31 March 2023

SECURITY SCAN 37, CCP SPY IN POCKET BATTLE AGAINST DRUGS, CHINA RUSSIA ...

Oil ,Energy Security-

 

Ensuring stability in energy supplies vital

In the case of volatile oil markets, India needs to keep a close watch on developments such as decisions being taken by oil cartel Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). This dominating group has joined hands with Russia and other allies to form OPEC+ but continues to restrict oil supplies by fixing production quotas. Russia may be the outlier in the system and is now offering discounted rates.

 

For a change, the impact on India is not adverse. The oil markets are reflecting concerns over the banking crisis by pushing prices downwards. So, after a year of high rates, the benchmark Brent crude is now ruling at $75-78 per barrel. This is roughly the same level as before the Ukraine conflict broke out last February. It is good news for India that has had to cope with a rising import bill for the 2022-23.

 

What is even more encouraging is that predictions for 2023-24 are now moderating from earlier forecasts of $100 per barrel. While this is still not comfortable for a country that imports 85 per cent of its crude oil needs, it indicates that a softening trend is expected to continue for the rest of the year.

No one would have anticipated a event like the Ukraine war to occur and reverberate in oil markets to such an extent that prices would touch $139 per barrel. Neither would oil industry experts have expected a zero-Covid policy in China to reduce global demand to such an extent that prices begin to slide from October last year.

 

The burden on India would have been even higher but for the availability of Russian crude oil at discounted rates. When supplies began to be sourced from that country, it was offering crude oil at rates $16 cheaper than the then average price of $110 per barrel. The discounts continued since then, ranging from $8 to $12 per barrel. Rough estimates are that the country has saved over $3 billion by buying Russian oil rather than relying on traditional suppliers in West Asia.

 

This policy decision was taken despite pressure from western countries to join the ban being sought on buying Russian oil supplied via the sea route.

 

Countering Chinese Multi domain War

 

Arming Vietnam:
Vietnam faces a serious long-term security challenge from China’s growing assertiveness in the South China Sea, and its response has included efforts to strengthen its military capability, particularly in the maritime sphere. It aims to diversify Vietnam’s procurement for its armed forces and coastguard, while also developing its national defence industry.

ASEAN Maritime Outlook: An Idea Whose Time Has Come?

In November 2022, Indonesia’s foreign minister, Retno Marsudi, raised the prospect of an ASEAN Maritime Outlook (AMO) in a speech at the 25th meeting of the ASEAN Political and Security Council (APSC) in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Since then, few details of what the AMO would entail have been revealed. However, the AMO would not only focus on maritime security, which suggests that its scope would be significantly broad ranging.

AMO will most likely be a stock take exercise to review ASEAN’s existing maritime-related mechanisms. While it may not be the grand policy or strategy document that critics from within and outside ASEAN had called for, the AMO will still be an important and much-needed endeavour for ASEAN. The last time a review was done on the status of existing ASEAN and ASEAN-led maritime mechanisms and initiatives was in 2008.

By clearly outlining ASEAN’s maritime priorities, the common maritime agendas will become more apparent. Furthermore, the Indo-Pacific has seen the advent of mini lateral groupings that seek to advocate maritime issues, the QUAD – involving the United States, Japan, India, and Australia – being one of them.

How would ASEAN Maritime Outlook help in protecting its maritime interests? In summary, the ASEAN Maritime Outlook could provide a framework for ASEAN member states and India to cooperate on maritime issues, promote a rules-based order, address common challenges, and foster dialogue and confidence-building measures. This could help to protect Indian maritime interests in the Indo-Pacific and contribute to a more stable and predictable regional environment.

Australia’s Security in China’s Shadow

As Australia awaits the outcome of a Defence Strategic Review ordered by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s new Labor government, and digests the parallel announcement of a pathway towards acquiring nuclear-powered submarines under the Australia–United Kingdom–United States (AUKUS) strategic technology agreement. Australia serves as an example for other countries facing a similar set of challenges.

The demands of AUKUS-Australian Think Tank

AUKUS will require a major uplift not simply in the navy, but across the defence organisation and government—including in strategic analysis, program design and delivery, technical competence, and disciplines that are hard to find in Australia such as statecraft, complex project management and technical product management.

Much of the means of AUKUS needs to be in civilian organisations. It’s not simply strategic expertise that’s of concern, but a need for discipline in program governance and improved civilian capability.

Despite the vociferous coverage, AUKUS remains under debated—because its realisation will demand a revolution in much of our society and economy.

Beijing’s Subversive Political Warfare in the Pacific—and the Need for Greater Engagement by the United States and India

China is extensively employing political warfare to subvert island states and undermine defense architecture in the Pacific. The United States and its allies should build responsible and effective partnerships with Pacific states, and present them with a better option than the corrosive engagement offered by Beijing. What should be this strategy?

Overall, countering China's political warfare in the Pacific requires a sustained and comprehensive effort that addresses economic, political, and social factors. By working with Pacific states to build responsible and effective partnerships, the United States and its allies can offer a compelling alternative to China's corrosive engagement.

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