Treasure Troves of PSUs – something amiss?

Treasure Troves of PSUs – something amiss? By Lt. General P.C. Katoch (Retd.) Former Director General of Information Systems, Indian Army How many more shocks Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar will suffer at the hands of his bureaucrats, shocking the public in turn is anyone’s guess. In March 2015, he made a startling announcement that India was paying the US Department of Defence (DoD) for new weaponry, even though US$ 3 billion which had been earlier paid by MoD was piled up and lying forgotten in a Washington account. MoD had reportedly put the said money in a Pentagon account for weaponry that was to be bought under the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) agreement. This is the shortest way of procuring weaponry from the US under which the DoD procures equipment on behalf of the foreign government from US vendors. The US opened up FMS sales to India in the immediate aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Though ambiguity prevailed over when the money was paid, according to the grapevine, a cheque for $5 billion was handed over to visiting President Obama by the PM Manmohan Singh in year 2010 – sorry latter missed the Nobel Peace Prize and his plan to get India to withdraw from Siachen also backfired. US$ 3 billion is not a small amount and how could it be “forgotten” if FMS procurements are supposed to be in quick time? Isn’t it intriguing that such a large amount lying unspent and earning interest money for the US was not once pointed out by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG)? Parrikar also discovered that this money lying in the US was not earning any interest for India. But the question is that if the CAG never pointed out this unspent money despite Defence Budget lapsing every financial year; something was obviously fishy in the accounting of Defence (Finance). Now Defence Minister Parrikar has discovered that $8.3 billion are lying unused with public sector undertakings (PSUs) – paid as advance over the years. This is an atrocious state of affairs considering that the current annual defence budget is $40 billion. Over the past few years, the military has been starved for modernization, criticalities have been mounting and you have $3billion lying forgotten in the US and $8.3 billion unused accumulation in the PSUs. Isn’t this fit case to throw the bloated Defence (Finance) bureaucracy out of the window? The mere fact that the government has taken two years to discover such anomaly indicates the bureaucratic inefficiency in play. Wonder how many more such shocks are in store? And there is no move to reorganize the MoD anyway – so it remains a cozy nest where everyone is snug. As per media reports, financial managers (read the same inefficient bureaucrats of Finance Defence) have been asked to review the very system of providing advance payments to the PSU’s while the latter have been merrily using the interest generated from these accumulated advance payments to show profits, instead of generating revenues from their core area of expertise – and this rookery has obviously been conveniently going on for past several years, again never caught in audits. According to an internal audit, while the total amount outstanding from PSUs is Rs 55,892 crore ($8.3 billion), most of it is (Rs 51,573 crore) with Hindustan Aeronautics Limited. “These are advance payments made since as early as 1975 which have still not been accounted for”. Under directions of Defence Minister Parrikar, instruction have been issued that include: advances not to be a profit-making for PSUs - either they provide interest on advance drawn or interest bearing financial instruments be obtained as a guarantee against the advance given; PSUs to raise funds under provisions of Companies Act and directives issued by Sebi rather than be used as ideal place for parking of government funds released under budgetary system; all outstanding funds till year 2000 to be cleared as a first step, and; new provision to be put in place for "levy of penal interest if the advances extended to PSUs are not utilized within the given period for the purpose for which it has been released. It is commendable that the Defence Minister has discovered such flawed financial practices in the MoD. It is amazing that such practices have been continuing since at least 1975 while the Military’s critical voids have been mounting – still surprised about the MoD-DRDO-DPSU-OF nexus?

http://www.mumbaitarunbharat.in/Encyc/2016/8/28/kargilchi-shouryagatha

Southeast Asia shores up maritime defense in response to China- Nikkei Asian Review

Southeast Asia shores up maritime defense in response to China- Nikkei Asia August 26, 2016 4:20 am JST JAKARTA -- Southeast Asian nations are beefing up maritime security in the South China Sea as Beijing continues to assert its claims to contested areas, raising the specter of an arms race that could flare up tensions. Indonesia plans to deploy five F-16 fighter jets and three to five naval frigates to the Natuna Islands as early as this year, a military official told The Nikkei. Indonesia is upgrading a military base in the South China Sea archipelago, building new runways and an expanded port due for completion by the end of 2017. Submarine deployment is planned as well. Purchasing additional fighters from Russia is also under consideration. China claims Indonesia's exclusive economic zone surrounding the islands as part of its own traditional fishing grounds. Jakarta has become more sensitive to the presence of Chinese fishing boats and coast guard ships in the waters, leading to a provocative back-and-forth. President Joko Widodo visited the archipelago in June, only for a Chinese nuclear submarine to sail by a day later, for example. Stay alert Vietnam and the Philippines are also bolstering defense as territorial squabbles with China continue over as the Spratly Islands and other areas. Hanoi has purchased six Russian Kilo-class submarines since 2015 for deployment at Cam Ranh Bay, the navy's southern stronghold. Vietnam is now weighing introducing antisubmarine patrol aircraft as well, either with new P-3 planes or surplus P-3Cs from Japan's Maritime Self-Defense Force. The U.S. military in June deployed four electronic warfare aircraft to Clark Air Base, north of the Philippine capital of Manila, in part to bolster maritime surveillance. Japan's MSDF has also sent submarines and warships to call on the port of Subic since spring. China is thought to have deployed a number of submarines around the Spratly Islands and elsewhere. The Philippines' and Vietnam's expanded aerial and naval presence aims largely to counter that threat. Even Singapore, which does not have territorial quarrels with China, agreed last December to let the U.S. deploy antisubmarine spy aircraft in the city state. Deployments have since occurred once every three months, with keeping tabs on China's military presence the clear, if unstated, goal. U.S. Defense Secretary Ash Carter and Singapore counterpart Ng Eng Hen rode along on a patrol in June. Nothing to do China has largely shrugged off a July ruling by a United Nations-backed arbitration tribunal denying the country's sweeping claims over the area. Beijing has shown no signs of reining in activity, conducting large-scale troop exercises in the South China Sea. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations and neighboring partners including China sought a peaceful solution to the issue at the ASEAN Regional Forum in July, but made little progress. Southeast Asian countries with smaller militaries have little choice but to bolster their defense presence. Military expenditures in Asia and Oceania rose 5.4% from 2014 to 2015, compared to 1% globally, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. Higher spending in countries such as Indonesia, Vietnam and the Philippines in light of greater leeriness toward China played a major role in that increase. Regional military outlays are seen climbing further in 2016 and beyond, potentially escalating the saber-rattling in the region

KASHMIR IMBROGLIO: THE WAY OUT By Madhuri Madhok | 24 August, 2016

KASHMIR IMBROGLIO: THE WAY OUT By Madhuri Madhok | 24 August, 2016 KASHMIR IMBROGLIO: THE WAY OUT Kashmir, which has been in the vortex of world news and international politics ever since India’s partition in 1... Kashmir, which has been in the vortex of world news and international politics ever since India’s partition in 1947, has again fallen on bad days with large scale violence and unrest gripping the valley since the killing of Pak-led dreaded terrorist Burhan Wani by the security forces on 8 July. The situation today is reminiscent of the chaos of the 1990’s that had led to an en mass exodus of the Kashmiri Hindus from their native home. However this time around, with hardly any Hindus left in the valley, the repercussion could be far worse. The inveterate Pakistan backed by rapacious China can fan the fires of secession and separatism far and wide within the country. The recent Assam explosion is a case in point. Hence, going by the treatment meted out to home minister Rajnath Singh during his recent Islamabad visit, it would be both foolish and futile to expect peace and friendship from Pakistan whose very genesis and continued existence is based on hostility towards India. Guided by its Jihadi agenda, the Pakistani establishment would continue to train its guns against “infidel” India. Please remember that Pakistan is a declaredly Islamic state and therefore under no obligation to observe any agreement entered into or commitment made with a non-Muslim/secular state for it does not believe in “sovereign equality of all nations”. (Source: Brigdier S.K. Malik: The Quanic Concept of War; Preface; Lahore, 1986.) It is also time to explode the myth of “Insaaniyat, Kashmiriyat and Jamhooriyat” that has become an oft repeated empty rhetoric. Here, it is worthwhile to recall the RAW report on Gen. Zia’s address to the meeting of select military commanders and top bosses of the ISI in April 1988 outlining Pakistani plan for Kashmir code named “Op Topac” in which he said: “Let there be no mistake, however, that our aim remains quite clear and firm and that is the liberation of the Kashmir valley—our Muslim brothers can not be allowed to stay with India for any length of time. In the past, we had opted for ham-handed military options and therefore, failed. So, we will now keep our military option for the last moment as a coup de grace, if and when necessary. Our Kashmiri brethren in the valley though with us in their hearts and minds, are simple-minded folks and do not easily take to the type of warfare to which, say, a Punjabi or an Afghan takes so naturally, against foreign dominion. “The Kashmiris, however, have a few qualities which we can exploit. First, his shrewdness and intelligence; second, his power to persevere under pressure; and the third, if I may say so, he is a master of political intrigue. If we provide him means through which he can best utilize these qualities, he will deliver the goods. “Here we must adopt those methods of combat which the Kashmiri mind can grasp and cope with. In other words, a coordinated use of moral and physical means, other than military operations, which will destroy the will of the enemy, damage his political capacity and expose him to the world as an oppressor. This aim, gentleman, shall be achieved thus: (a) We must ensure that certain ‘favoured politicians’ from the ruling elite be selected to subvert all effective organs of the state. (b). It should be followed by a low level insurgency against the regime, so that it is under siege, but does not collapse as we would not yet want central rule imposed by Delhi. (c). We whip up anti-India feelings amongst the students and peasants, preferably on some religious issues, so that we can enlist their active support for rioting and anti-government demonstrations.” Commenting on this report, Prof. Bal Raj Madhok had written way back in 1992 that the developing national and international situation demands that Indian leaders and policy makers adopt a nationalistic and realistic approach to their problems instead of looking for alibis or posing as idealists. “They must understand that the problem of Kashmir is basically religio-political and not socio-economic. A wrong diagnosis leads to the application of wrong remedies, resulting in further worsening of the situation”. Discussing the Kashmir problem, Prof, Madhok wrote: “Accession of Jammu and Kashmir to India was a conscious decision by its ruler who placed wider human interests of his people above his personal interests in a moment of crisis. The Indian leadership accepted the accession but felt shy of basing its claim on the fact of accession. Although, in practice, it treated Kashmir as part of India but committed many blunders with regard to it in the early formative period. The most dangerous of them was succumbing to the pressure of Sheikh Abdullah for a special status for Kashmir and incorporation of Article 370 in the Indian Constitution. “Article 370 was in fact the pound of flesh that Sheikh Abdullah extracted from obliging Pt. Nehru as a price for his support to Kashmir’s inclusion in India in the case of a plebiscite which was looming large in the air at the time. Pt. Nehru directed him to meet Law Minister and Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Constituent Assembly, Dr. B.R.Ambedkar, for incorporating a suitable article in the Constitution of India which may enable Kashmir to have a separate constitution, separate law of citizenship and enjoy a special autonomous status. Dr. Ambedkar himself told the authour (Prof. Madhok) that he flatly refused to accept Abdullah’s plea. Dr. Ambedkar told Abdullah that as Law Minister of India he could not give a status to Jammu and Kashmir which would make it a ‘republic within a republic’ in which India and Indians will have only responsibilities and no rights”. However, this proposal was accepted by the Constituent Assembly only after Pt. Nehru gave a specific assurance on behalf of the government that it was “purely a temporary provision” to tide over the exigency created by the UN resolution. That is why it is put in the chapter which includes Temporary and Transitional provisions of the Indian Constitution, he added. Over the years, this temporary article has become the biggest obstacle in the full integration of Jammu and Kashmir State with the rest of India as the failure to revoke it has made the Kashmiri Muslims to believe that Kashmir does not belong to India and that its future is yet to be settled. This feeling is being exploited to the full by Pakistan that does not want India to focus on the demand to liberate the Pakistan occupied Kashmir which is an entirely non-Kashmiri speaking region under its illegal occupation. In Gilgit, a dialect different from Kashmiri is spoken and Baltistan is Balti speaking while Mirpur-Muzzafarabad is an entirely Punjabi speaking area. This area has an historical legacy as it falls on the ancient silk road. What is worse, the separatists and secessionists have somehow succeeded in equating the Kashmir valley with the entire Jammu and Kashmir state. Surrounded by high mountains from all sides, the Kashmir valley where only Kashmiri is spoken, nowhere touches Pakistan. Rather, it is sandwiched between Punjabi-speaking Uri-Titwal area and the so called Azad Kashmir, the Pak occupied territory of the state. Hence, the on-going Hafiz Saeed and Asiya Andraabi inspired unrest in the Kashmir valley, must be seen in its correct perspective, and must be dealt firmly and deftly. Prof. Madhok wrote in 1987 some Kashmiris are openly for Pakistan, some want an independent Islamic state of Kashmir and some want to toy with the idea of using Kashmir valley with its special status as a springboard for Islamisation for the rest of India as was articulated by Maulana Suharawardy of the National Conference in a speech on the floor of the Legislative Council sometime in 1985-86. Total Islamisation of the valley first by driving out the small Hindu minority fits with this plan. (Source: Jammu, Kashmir and Laddakh; Delhi, 1987). The solution of the Kashmir problem rests not with Srinagar but New Delhi. “The first step towards the solution of the protracted Kashmir problem is the abrogation of Article 370”, wrote Prof. Madhok. “To treat this article as a permanent feature of the Constitution and oppose its abrogation has no justification whatsoever. In fact, there is no need to amend the Constitution because the procedure to make this Article inoperative has been laid down in sub-clause (3) of this Article itself. It reads, “notwithstanding anything in the foregoing provisions of this Article the President can, by public notification, declare that this article shall cease to be operative or shall be operative only with such exceptions and modifications and from such date as he may specify. “Along with the abrogation of Article 370, steps should be taken to reorganize the state so as to give separate statehood to Kashmir and Jammu region and Union Territory status to Ladakh. Punjabi speaking Uri-Titwal area lying between Kashmir valley and Pak occupied territory of the state should be separated from Kashmir and made a centrally administered security belt. This area lies outside the Kashmir valley. There is little in common between the people of Kashmir and the people of this belt. The simple folks of this belt resent Kashmiri domination over them. This area can be a kind of a buffer between Kashmir and the POK. “These steps would go a long way in satisfying political aspirations of the people of all the three distinct regions of the state namely, Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh besides safeguarding the distinct identity of the Kashmir valley and checkmating Pak designs on it”, Prof. Madhok wrote. (Source: Kashmir: The Storm Center of the World; Houston, 1992). Thus, what is required is a strong political will to resolve the Kashmir problem once and for all. With a clear majority in the Lok Sabha, the present government can definitely convince the President of India for abrogating the temporary Article 370. All Indians, irrespective of their party affiliations, consider Kashmir to be part of India and would rise up to the occasion

PRIME MINISTER MODIS CALL TO IAS OFFICER AT 10 PM IN NORTH TRIPURA

An IAS officer who is posted in North Tripura got a call at 10pm on 21st July. He was surprised to get a call so late in the night. A young voice from the other side apologised for calling so late and asked if he is free for a few minutes because the Prime Minister Mr Narendra Modi wants to talk to him. His brain froze for a few seconds and he could feel his legs shivering. He meekly whispered yes and after a few beeps, the call was transferred and none other than Mr Modi was on call. Modi apologised to him again for calling so late and said that he is just done with a meeting with Mr Nitin Gadkari and they needed his help to repair National Highway 208-A connecting Tripura to the rest of the country. He says he doesn't even remember how he responded to it. All he remembers is Modi telling him that the GOI has spoken to both the Assam and Tripura Government and all help would be provided to him to oversee the project. He didn't sleep that night. Modi's voice kept echoing in his mind and he couldn't believe what had just happened. He tried connecting all dots and couldn't find any logic. Next day, when he reached his office, he got communications from Tripura Government, Assam Government and GOI. He was sanctioned funds for the project to repair 15 kms of the highway. He immediately took his staff and went to visit the stretch. He found 6 JCBs standing there that were provided by Assam Government. Over the next 4 days, more than 300 trucks with materials kept arriving and along with local workers and PWD officials from Assam and Tripura, he opened the highway for vehicles with necessities for Tripura. Yesterday Mr Nitin Gadkari called him to thank him for his remarkable efforts and promised that NH-44 would be repaired on a war mode. He also asked him to visit PMO office whenever he is in Delhi. That's my India with such remarkable stories of valour and I am proud of it. This story signifies how the Central Government is concerned about its people and there are numerous, I repeat, numerous such stories from across the country Stories like these need to be shared in order to delete hopelessness, negativism from our collective mindset

China’s openly hostile acts are forcing a recalibration in India By Harsh V Pant

China’s openly hostile acts are forcing a recalibration in India By Harsh V Pant At a time of regional flux, New Delhi’s ties with Beijing have entered a phase where antagonistic posturing is t... At a time of regional flux, New Delhi’s ties with Beijing have entered a phase where antagonistic posturing is the new norm. Chinese foreign minister’s visit to India this month has done little to bring a semblance of normalcy to Sino-Indian ties. Just weeks after the Indian government cleared the deployment of a special version of the BrahMos cruise missile in Arunachal Pradesh, Chinese state media has warned that such a move would have “a negative influence” on stability along the border. Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be in China to attend the G-20 summit in Hangzhou next month. Following the ruling by an international tribunal last month which rejected Beijing’s claims over much of the disputed South China Sea area, China is campaigning against the issue to be raised in G20 Summit saying it is a matter to be resolved between parties concerned and outsider has no role. Chinese president Xi Jinping will also visit Goa for the coming BRICS summit scheduled for October. Media Ahead of the Chinese foreign minister’s visit, Chinese state media had warned India to avoid "unnecessary entanglement with China over the South China Sea debate" if New Delhi "wishes to create a good atmosphere for economic cooperation." Terming that India and China are partners, not rivals, the state-run Xinhua news agency has also suggested that the door for India's admission into the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) is "not tightly" closed and New Delhi should "fully comprehend" Beijing’s concerns over the disputed South China Sea. Wang Yi’s visit was the first high-level visit between the two countries after China blocked India’s NSG membership bid at the plenary meeting of the 48-nation grouping in June on the grounds that it was not a signatory to the NPT. During his visit, Wang said it is up to India to decide what position it wishes to take vis-à-vis the ongoing issue. Wang's visit also came just days after Chinese troops “transgressed” the border on land and by air in Chamoli district of Uttarakhand last month. India-China bilateral trade which totalled around $70 billion in 2015 tilted heavily in favour of Beijing with over $46 billion trade deficit. And then in his Independence Day address to the nation, PM Narendra Modi threw down a gauntlet not only to Pakistan but also to China with his reference to the people of Balochistan, the people of Gilgit, and the people of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. PoK is a key transit point in the ambitious $45 billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) that will give Beijing access to the Arabian Sea through the port of Gwadar. China’s plans to build infrastructure in POK and Gilgit, territory claimed by India, have irritated India and New Delhi has informed Beijing of its strong views. Sino-Indian ties have entered a rough patch and this issue has not helped matters. So Modi’s message to China too was categorical that without India’s support, CPEC would remain a pipe-dream as India too has levers it can pull to scuttle the project. Pakistan will be concerned as resource-rich Balochistan is the home of the Gwadar port being built with massive investment from China. China is already concerned about the security of its investments traversing through this area and has pushed for the Pakistan Army to be given a leading role, over civilian authorities. Meanwhile, tensions are rising in Asia as China takes steps to assert its control over the waters of South China Sea after its claims were rejected by an international tribunal at the Hague last month. China’s defence minister Chang Wanquan has called for a "people’s war at sea" to push back against threats to Chinese claims. In a speech last week, he warned of maritime security threats and called for increased preparations for what he termed a "people’s war at sea" in order to "safeguard sovereignty". Dispute More significantly, China is also changing its laws to arrest and jail anyone caught fishing in waters Beijing considers its own, even though many of those waters are precisely the bits that are disputed among China’s neighbours in the South China Sea. Last week, China’s Supreme Court said people caught illegally fishing in Chinese waters could be jailed for up to a year, issuing a judicial interpretation defining those waters as including the country’s exclusive economic zones. Over the past few weeks, all three Chinese naval fleets have taken to the sea to practice for a “sudden, cruel, and short” conflict. Beijing has also begun to fly bomber and fighter aircraft near disputed islands in the South China Sea.It has also announced that it would hold joint naval drills in the waters with Russia in September, terming the drills “routine” and not directed at any third party. A group of new photographs have revealed the construction of several reinforced aircraft hangars at Fiery Cross, Subi and Mischief Reefs, all land formations built up by China in recent months, on which the Chinese have also built runways. Neighbours China’s neighbours too aren’t keeping quiet. Reports have emerged of Vietnam secretly fortifying several of its islands in the disputed South China Sea with new mobile rocket launchers capable of striking China’s runways and military installations across the vital trade route. Japan filed a protest with Beijing over recently discovered radar equipment China secretly installed in a gas exploration platform close to disputed waters in the East China Sea. Japan is concerned that the radar could be a signal that China will begin using gas exploration platforms as military outposts. The protest came on the same day an armada of 13 Chinese Coast Guard ships sailed into waters just outside what Japan considers its territorial waters in the East China Sea. At this time of regional flux, India’s ties with China have entered a phase where antagonistic posturing is the new norm. China’s openly hostile acts are forcing a recalibration in India. India will have to work with other regional states as to make sure that China does not upend the regional balance of power to everyone’s disadvantage

चीनची सागरी सत्तालालसा-• प्रमोद वडनेरकर

चीनची सागरी सत्तालालसा दिंनाक: 21 Aug 2016 00:15:40 दक्षिण चीन समुद्रातील सर्वच बेटांवर व कोरल समूहावर आपली अधिसत्ता गाजविण्यासाठी चीन बर्‍याच वर्षांपासून प्रयत्नशील आहे. या समुद्राच्या सीमेलगतच्या देशांना न जुमानता चीनने तेथे आपली प्रकल्प उभारणीची कामे सुरू ठेवली आहेत. त्यामुळे दक्षिण चीन सागरातून व्यापार करणारे व्हिएतनाम, मलेशिया, ब्रुनेई, फिलिपिन्ससारखे देश चीनच्या या झपाट्यापुढे निष्प्रभ ठरले आहेत. चीन ज्या बेटांवर आपला हक्क सांगतो, ती सर्व बेटे या देशाच्या ‘एक्सक्लुझिव्ह इकॉनॉमिक झोन’मध्ये येतात. फिलिपिन्सने चीनच्या या अतिक्रमणाच्या विरोधात णछउङजड या संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघाशी निगडित आंतरराष्ट्रीय लवादाकडे तक्रार केली होती. १२ जुलै २०१६ ला हेग येथील परमनंट कोर्ट ऑफ आर्बिट्रेशनने या केसच्या संदर्भात आपला निकाल जाहीर करताना, चीनचे हे अतिक्रमण नियमबाह्य असल्याचे म्हटले आहे. चीनने त्यावरची प्रकल्प उभारणीची कामे बंद करावी, असा त्याचा अर्थ होतो. पण, चीन हा आंतरराष्ट्रीय लवादाचा निर्णय मान्य करायला तयार नाही. त्यांच्या दृष्टीने चीनकडे ही बेटे एक ऐतिहासिक वारसा म्हणून आली आहेत. एक जागतिक महासत्ता असलेल्या चीनला त्यांच्या विरोधातील हा निकाल म्हणजे लहानसहान राष्ट्रांसमोरील शरणागती वाटते. सन २०१३ मध्ये दक्षिण चीन समुद्रातले ‘स्कारबोरफ शोल’ हे बेट चीनने आपल्या ताब्यात घेतले होते. हे बेट मनिला बंदराच्या वायव्येला ३५० कि. मी. अंतरावर आहे. याच बेटाजवळून चीनचा अब्जावधी मूल्यांचा व्यापार चालतो. चीनने तेथे आपले नौदलही नियुक्त केले होते. याच भागात अमेरिकेचे लढाऊ जहाजदेखील तैनात झाले. येथे आंतरराष्ट्रीय नियमांचे उल्लंघन होऊ नये, असे अमेरिकेला वाटते. पण, चीन त्यांच्या ऐतिहासिक हक्कांचा हवाला देत, संपूर्ण दक्षिण चीन समुद्रातील लहानमोठ्या बेटांवर आणि खडकसमूहांवर आपला हक्क असल्याचे बजावीत आहे. चीनच्या दृष्टीने ही सर्व बेटे त्यांच्या पूर्वजांनी शोधून काढली आहेत व त्याप्रमाणे त्यांचे नामकरणही केले आहे. तेथील मासेमारीचे चीनचे हक्क हे पूर्वापार चालत आलेले आहेत. ‘नाईन-डॅश-लाईन’प्रमाणे दक्षिण चीन समुद्रातले सर्व हक्क ग्राह्य धरून त्याप्रमाणे आंतरराष्ट्रीय लवादाने त्याला मान्यता घ्यायला हवी, असे चीनला वाटते. चीनच्या दक्षिण किनार्‍यापासून १५०० कि. मी.पर्यंतचा सर्वच सागरी इलाका ‘नाईन-डॅश-लाईन’च्या संदर्भाने चीनच्या अखत्यारीखाली येतो. पण, आंतरराष्ट्रीय लवादाने हे ऐतिहासिक दाखले अमान्य करून, नव्या नियमांना धरून चीनचा हा हक्क नामंजूर केला आहे. सन १९८२ पासून ’णछउङजड’ हा आंतरराष्ट्रीय लवाद कार्यान्वित झाला आहे. या लवादाला चीनने १९९६ मध्ये मान्यता देऊन त्याचे सदस्यत्वही स्वीकारले होते. लवादाच्या मतानुसार, प्रत्येक देश त्याच्या सागरीकिनार्‍यापासून ३७० कि. मी.ची सागरी हद्द ही ‘एक्सक्लुझिव्ह इकॉनॉमिक झोन’ म्हणून वापरू शकतो. ऐतिहासिक हक्क हे त्यांच्या मते, त्या देशाने स्वत:च ठरविले असल्यामुळे, ते न्यायसंगत असू शकत नाहीत. फिलिपिन्सच्या सागरी हद्दीतील या बेटावर त्यांच्या तेल उत्पादनाच्या तसेच, मासेमारीच्या कामात चीन नेहमीच अडथळे आणत असल्याचे आढळून आले आहे. तेथे चिनी लढाऊ नौकादेखील सतत गस्त घालत असतात. हे सर्व आंतरराष्ट्रीय कायद्याचे उल्लंघन असल्याचे कोर्टाने निकालात म्हटले आहे. खरं तर या आंतरराष्ट्रीय लवादाचा एक सदस्य म्हणून त्यांनी दिलेला निर्णय, चीनने तत्काळ मान्य करायला हवा. पण, चीनने हे कोर्टाचे कामकाज ग्राह्य नसल्याचे सांगून, त्या निर्णयाला आव्हान दिले आहे. आंतरराष्ट्रीय कोर्टाजवळ यंत्रणा नाही, त्यामुळे चीन बिनधास्तपणे आपल्या प्रकल्पबांधणीच्या योजना कार्यान्वित ठेवू शकतो. एका अमेरिकन ऍडमिरलने चीनच्या या हक्क प्रस्थापित करण्याच्या प्रकाराला ‘चीनची महान रेतीची भिंत’ म्हणून संबोधले आहे. दक्षिण चीन समुद्रातील या भागावरून चीन सहजासहजी आपला हक्क सोडेल, असे वाटत नाही. कारण त्यात ११ अब्ज बॅरेल एवढा तेलसाठा, १९० लाख कोटी घन मी. नैसर्गिक वायुसाठा असल्याचा अंदाज आहे. शिवाय, चीनचा अब्जावधी डॉलर्सचा विदेशी व्यापार याच मार्गाने होत असतो. २०१४ मध्ये बंगालच्या उपसागरातील सागरी सीमेबाबत भारत व बांगलादेश यात वाद निर्माण झाला होता. त्यावर आंतरराष्ट्रीय लवादाने दिलेला निर्णय लगेच भारताचे पंतप्रधान नरेंद्र मोदी यांनी मान्य केला. पण, चीनचे अध्यक्ष शी जिनपिंग हे आपल्या पार्टीतील स्थान अधिक बळकट करण्याच्या प्रयत्नात आहेत. त्यांना पुढच्या वर्षी कम्युनिस्ट पार्टीतील अधिकारांच्या पदांमध्ये फेरफार करायचे आहेत. त्यामुळे आपण किती कठोर निर्णय घेऊ शकतो, हे त्यांना दाखवायचे आहे. आंतरराष्ट्रीय मंचावरदेखील आपला दरारा कायम असल्याचे त्यांना सिद्ध करायचे आहे. चीनच्या वृत्तपत्रांनीदेखील शी जिनपिंग यांच्या या भूमिकेचे स्वागत करून, ‘चीनने आपले सागरी सार्वभौमत्व युद्धाद्वारे सिद्ध करावे,’ असे आवाहन केले आहे. तरी चीन आपले ‘णछउङजड’ या आंतरराष्ट्रीय ‘ट्रिब्युनल’चे कायम सदस्यत्व काढून घेईल, असे वाटत नाही. कारण तसे झाले तर चीनची आंतरराष्ट्रीय प्रतिमा मलिन होऊ शकते. कदाचित यापुढे चीन ‘स्कारबोरक शोल’ या बेटावरचे प्रकल्पाचे बांधकाम तसेच सुरू ठेवण्याचे धारिष्ट्य करू शकतो. पण, त्यामुळे फिलिपिन्स व अमेरिका वापरत असलेल्या बाजूच्या सागरी लष्करी तळांना धोका संभवू शकतो. बराक ओबामा यांनी मार्चमध्ये चीनच्या या आक्रमक धोरणाबद्दल त्यांच्या पंतप्रधानांना इशारा दिला होता. याचे पर्यवसन सागरी युद्धात होऊ शकते, याचीही शक्यता वर्तविली होती. म्हणून चीन आपले सारे निर्णय इतक्या तडकाफडकी घेईल, असे वाटत नाही. चीन या प्रकरणात सावधतेने पावले उचलेल, असे दिसते. येत्या सप्टेंबरमध्ये चीनने ‘जी-२०’ अंतर्गत येणार्‍या राष्ट्रप्रमुखांचे संमेलन आयोजित केले आहे. चीनने युद्धजन्य परिस्थिती निर्माण केली, तर अनेक देश या ‘जी-२०’ संमेलनावर बहिष्कार टाकतील. दक्षिण चीन समुद्रात आपल्या सागरी सीमा जपणारे मलेशिया, फिलिपिन्स, इंडोनेशिया, व्हिएतनामसारखे देश चीनच्या या युद्धखोर नीतीला घाबरून आहेत. आजही चीनला आव्हान देण्याची त्यांची हिंमत नाही. आंतरराष्ट्रीय कोर्टाचा निकाल फिलिपिन्सच्या बाजूने लागल्यानंतर, त्यांचे पंतप्रधान रोड्रिगो डूटेरट यांनी अत्यंत सावध प्रतिक्रिया दिली होती. ‘‘हा निर्णय आमच्या बाजूने लागला,’’ एवढेच ते म्हणाले. इतर सर्व देशांनाही, या वादामुळे हिंसक वळण लागू नये, असे वाटते. चीन हा ‘दक्षिण-पूर्व आशियन नेशन्स’ या संघटनेचा सभासद आहे. यात १० आशियन देश येतात. त्यापैकी चार देशांनी दक्षिण-चीन समुद्रातील चीनच्या अतिक्रमणाबद्दल लवादाकडे तक्रार केली आहे. हे सर्व देश मिळून चीनने आपला निर्णय बदलावा म्हणून त्यांच्यावर दबाव टाकू शकतात. चीन प्रत्येक वेळेला त्यांच्या ऐतिहासिक हक्काविषयी आणि ‘नाईन डॅश लाईन’विषयी वेगवेगळ्या भूमिका घेत आपली बाजू मांडत असतो. चिनी सरकार प्रसंग पाहून कदाचित आपल्या धोरणात थोडा बदल करून त्यातून मध्यम मार्ग काढू शकते. दक्षिण चीन समुद्रातले वाद हे‘ णछउङजड’ च्या नियमानुसार सोडविले जातील, की ते नियम चीन आपल्या धोरणानुसार बदलविण्याचा प्रयत्न करत राहील, हा प्रश्‍न आज तरी कसा सुटेल, याचे उत्तर देता येणार नाही. चीनने आपला हेका कायम ठेवला, तर त्याला जाब विचारणारी कोणतीही यंत्रणा नाही. पण, युद्ध हा त्यावरचा उपाय नाही, याची सर्व राष्ट्रांना जाणीव आहे. परराष्ट्र नीती ठरविताना आज अर्थ, तंत्रज्ञान, व्यापारी सहकार्य, या सर्वच बाजूंनी विचार करावा लागतो. तेव्हा आपली विश्‍वासार्हता कमी होईल असे आडमुठेपणाचे धोरण चीनला त्यागावे लागेल. पण, जर चीनने आपली सार्वभौमत्वाची आकांक्षा सोडली नाही, तर दोन महासत्तांमधले युद्ध अटळ आहे...!

Ground Realities in Kashmir as the Army Battles Foes at the LoC

Ground Realities in Kashmir as the Army Battles Foes at the LoC M Hanes August 22, 2016, 6:50 pm 3 ‘Having an opinion is my fundamental right. At least I am entitled to this.’ This is what a government official in Kashmir said after I condemned him for suggesting a random hypothetical concept for the present scenario in the valley. My question to this official was simple and straight. Why is the PDP government doing nothing to bridge the gap or overcome the political vacuum? Why is it in payback mode to the self-crafted strategy of stone-pelting since 2010? What steps are being taken to control the forced agitation by the separatist leaders, and why are the MLAs and government officials looking silently through their windows, sitting firmly on their elected seats, as the “Valley burns”? In a section of his answer, he said: “How can we control the militancy, it is from the other side. What is the army doing at the line of control? Instead of increasing their presence in the city, they should be present at the LoC.” He even gave a friendly tip to enquire into the matter of ‘vested interests of the army in allowing the insurgency’. If I am to compare myself with a pressure cooker, by this time the safety valve was already gone. But I reminded myself that debates are to be won by decent exchange of facts and not by the ‘whose decibel is highest’ ideology. Thus, in order to find the answers from the ground reality, I requested a visit to a post of the Indian army at the LoC, and luckily it was granted. Keeping my security and ease of travel in mind, I was made to visit the ‘Kaman Post’ on the international border where a peace treaty was signed in 2003 and which, at present, serves as a gateway to the trade and bus route between India and Pakistan as a symbol of goodwill. The Pakistan side of the entrance had a hoarding with two lines in Arabic and Kashmiri which meant ‘Pakistan se rishta Kya, la illahi illahla!’ (‘What’s our relationship with Pakistan, there is no god but god!’) This is one of the slogans which are chanted by the separatist leaders in the valley, especially in mosques on Fridays. Hoarding on the Pakistani side of the entrance to ‘Kaman Post’. (Photo: M Hanes/The Quint) Hoarding on the Pakistani side of the entrance to ‘Kaman Post’. (Photo: M Hanes/The Quint) As a response, the Indians have put up a hoarding, which said “Mazhab nahi Sikhata aapas mai bair rakhna” (‘Religion doesn’t teach us to hate each other’) Although the word ‘secular’ has lost its meaning amidst the meaningless, glorified jargon used by India’s mainstream media and politicians, in this particular moment the essence of it dawned on me as the colour of saffron when put in Kahwa; both typical of the valley. The colour further darkened when I saw bullet marks on the posts dated 2011. This excursion didn’t serve the purpose, so I further requested a visit to any ‘difficult army post’ at the LoC, which was luckily granted. As per protocol, I was to spend a night at one of the camps, which is at an altitude of approximately 9,340 feet above sea level and then next morning march up to the post, which is at an altitude of approximately 13,420 ft above sea level. With the enthusiasm of beginner in a rugby team, all packed and set, I went as per the plan. After reaching the camp, as I went to freshen up, I realised there was no concept of a pipeline water system – two buckets of water dedicated to lavatory was considered a luxury. The next part was the electricity; just four hours per day owing to the proper functioning of generators and availability of stocked kerosene and diesel. The network was also a lost cause altogether. On asking one of the soldiers, I learnt that the network is unstable and unreachable. Their only hope was an Airtel tower nearby which was destroyed in a thunderstorm a month ago and since then, most of them have not spoken with their people back home. One of the soldiers coyly added, “I never got an opportunity to call home and check on my wife and newborn child.” Hoarding on the Indian side. (Photo: M Hanes/ The Quint) Hoarding on the Indian side. (Photo: M Hanes/ The Quint) Being Vulnerable is Not an Option It was almost 7:00 pm and the camp was lit. We finished dinner and retired to sleep. My first night in a sleeping bag inside a moderately built cottage was far from calm and, sonorous in silence, I was conscious of each minute passing by. Finally, somewhere in between the light of my dead mobile and the buzz of my playlist, I fell asleep. It was 11:00 pm when I woke because of a call on the army internal telephone line provided in the room. The moment I opened my eyes, I started gasping for air; the room was pitch dark. As the heaviness of the dark night started enveloping my spirit, I picked up the phone; it was a friend on the other side. It’s beyond the power of my pen to make one realise the assurance of hope and life in that minute through a known voice. Because five minutes down the line, my mind all stable and calm, again walking a thankless, taken-for-granted lane. Being vulnerable never comes across as an option and strength is the only weapon which attempts in winning these small, major unnoticed battles. Next morning was the decided day for the walk to the post by 6:00 am, all the soldiers were ready in their uniforms; a symbol of pride and oneness. Although if one looks closely and makes eye contact, they would find thousands of stalled stories, waiting for their time to replay from the last paused movement. Yet, one won’t find the baggage of it tying down their spirit. It was as lively and eloquent as the surrounding swaying chinar trees. Frozen food items for Indian army soldiers stationed in Jammu and Kashmir. (Photo: M Hanes/ The Quint) Frozen food items for Indian army soldiers stationed in Jammu and Kashmir. (Photo: M Hanes/ The Quint) Risk Factors We started walking down the track. Had I been granted the luxury of a few pages in JRR Tolkien’s book, I would have happily narrated the path as well, as it was no less magical than a Hobbit shire, just that the boundary line was not marked by cabbage and radish fields. When I reached the decided post, I shifted my focus to the agenda of my quest. I spotted an enemy post. Looking through the binoculars, I found a Pakistani soldier hanging washed clothes on line; the other person was either taking a sun bath on trying to sleep under the open sky. When I enquired if every day is a sunny day over here, a soldier unable to hold out any longer, finally answered my questions. The Pak post is a picnic spot for the militants attempting to enter India. They sit at the posts with the soldiers, who themselves assist in the insurgency. So logically, a Pakistan soldier hardly worries about insurgency in their territory. Indian Army Soldier Pointing towards the happy-go-lucky Pakistani soldier, he added, “Just two days ago, there was a cease fire, but we didn’t have the orders to retaliate. We cannot roam in the open so freely; the possibility of being shot is always there.” As night falls, soldiers continuously march along the LoC line in pitch darkness, without any torches or sources of light. The terrain is such that one false step can prove fatal in the depths of the valley. Sometimes they are required to sit and wait at different points in the mountains acting on intelligence information. During winters, the valley is covered in at least 20 feet of thick snow, which further increases the risk factor during patrolling. In case of an evacuation, 50-60 soldiers are required to take him on a stretcher on foot, through the steep rocky terrain to the nearest base camp which is at least 20-25 kms away from the posts. Evacuation via helicopters especially during the nights is not even an option. This was the time of winter stocking in these posts. One might like to recall the political debates in assemblies regarding ‘special rations’ being allocated to the army. Out of journalistic curiosity, I insisted on witnessing this special ration, which was tinned vegetables and fruits, packed dried potatoes and onions, tasteless ready to eat chicken, rajma, cholle and Dairy Milk chocolates. Sometimes they also have the luxury of dry fruits, which are ultimately wasted. Following a simple drill, ‘drink sufficient water’ instead of ‘being thirsty’ becomes the ultimate challenge for survival in winters. Ground Realities These are the food items on which they will survive for the next six months (October-April) until the snow melts and they resume contact with the rest of the valley. Sixteen posts under one company gets an hour on BSNL wireless landline for phone calls. Theoretically, less than two minutes for each soldier to speak or get a hint of the situation back home. Amongst the few things they do in the Valley for civilians are: Provide them schools and scholarship Provide free medical camps Provide veterinary camps Free youth clubs Free tuitions Free coaching classes for IIT (one must Google the success story of Kashmir Super-30) Engaging youth through sports and tournaments Employment to the locals Career counseling Providing drug de-addiction centres What they don’t do is retaliate when stones hit their convoys, damaging their properties, injuring their men. Recently, two commanding officers were injured in one such instance, one of them being the army personnel whom I met during this trip. He spoke about his men and the lack of bulletproof jackets, and asked me if being a journalist I can raise this issue at the right forums. It was hard for me to articulate that it’s only right and left wing, with hardly any sense of ‘right’ and ‘well-being’, for the people, of the people, or by the people. And finally, what they get is to be a topic in the speculative arguments of pseudo-intellectuals against self-declared nationalists on various forums, where they are juggled from ‘heroic examples’ to the ‘face of atrocities’ without any reference to ground realities

Myanmar’s outreach to India and China

Myanmar’s outreach to India and China Sushma Swaraj’s visit to Myanmar earlier this week followed State Counsellor and Foreign Minister Aung San Suu Kyi’s return from Beijing. The timing of Suu Kyi’s China trip and how both the Chinese “dragon” and the Indian “peacock” have together flocked around the “Lady” is noteworthy. Meanwhile, Myanmar President U. Htin Kyaw’s four-day visit to India begins today. Myanmar’s China policy has been guided by domestic constraints and economic considerations. Instability on the porous borders and ethnic conflict has been the primary concern for Myanmar. Moreover, economic dimension has added dynamism to its China policy. Myanmar has always valued its deep “pauk phaw” (fraternal) relationship between the two countries and has been thankful to China for supporting its economic and social development. China, on the other hand, “has vowed to China-Myanmar Comprehensive-Strategic Cooperative Partnership” and ensured that the two countries will always be “good neighbours, friends, brothers and partners” (as quoted by the national media in Myanmar). This has been evidently reciprocated in Suu Kyi’s recent visit. She did not speak on the thorny issue of South China Sea and has extended support to China’s Belt-Road strategy and BCIM economic corridor. Earlier in August, a commission was appointed to re-look into the fate of the Myitsone Dam — a controversy which has dragged on since 2011 when the project was stalled. The commission is expected to assess the proposal against international standards and factor in the voices of local communities and their concerns. China has been Myanmar’s largest trading partner and its biggest source of foreign investment. In the light of sanctions which have for long impeded western investments in the country, China has emerged as its biggest ally. Beijing has been investing heavily in developing ports in Myanmar, gaining greater access to the Indian Ocean. The armed forces of Myanmar have also depended on Chinese assistance. Meanwhile, after opening up, the regime in Myanmar has been delicately seeking to leverage India as a politico-economic counterpoise to that of China’s overshadowing influence, a sort of “leveling the field”. India has rightly been characterised as a benign power and an alternate force amidst the newly triggered competition among the erstwhile players as well as the emerging and potential stakeholders in the region. India’s policy towards Myanmar has been largely shaped by security and stability at the borders, diffusing cross-border insurgent groups and economic development of its Northeastern states. Accordingly, during the recent visit of Sushma Swaraj, Myanmar extended support for curbing insurgents and militancy on the borders. It has given assurance that it will not allow any insurgent groups to use its territory against India. So far as India’s interest in Myanmar is concerned, it is stepping up its development cooperation in the light of Myanmar’s continuing reform process and its historical and cultural ties. As compared to Chinese loan which are more commercial in nature, India has kept its focus on “development cooperation” projects supported through grant-in-aid, line of credits, training programmes and provision for expert knowledge. Thus, India has been particularly instrumental in setting up centres for industrial training and enhancement of IT skills and other capacity building programmes. Last but not the least, Myanmar’s India policy is more guided by “soft-power” connection. Buddhism, yoga and Bollywood have always been the strength of India’s soft-power diplomacy. India’s cultural, religious and democratic values have been a connecting ground for Myanmar since centuries

New Delhi's years of delay in choosing weapon systems for the Scorpene might have worked to the navy's advantage

New Delhi's years of delay in choosing weapon systems for the Scorpene might have worked to the navy's advantage An important section of the Indian Navy headquarters here has changed its biorhythm to Melbourne time, monitoring The Australian newspaper as it publishes leaked documents containing the operational secrets of India’s new Scorpene submarines. As The Australian incrementally publishes tranches from the 22,400 pages of sensitive documents that it indicates were leaked from French shipbuilder, DCNS, naval planners in Delhi scour them in real time for information that might make India’s Scorpene submarine fleet sitting ducks in combat. The newspaper is redacting the documents it publishes, blacking out data it deems particularly sensitive. Indian officials, including Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar on Friday, say they are catering for a “best case scenario”, and “worst case scenario”. The latter encompasses the possibility that the full version of the documents have fallen into hostile hands, and the six Scorpene submarines that will join the navy’s fleet by 2019 have been operationally compromised. A “high-level committee” has been established in the defence ministry to evaluate the extent of the damage. Surprisingly, defence ministry sources say DCNS has not yet responded to an Indian query about how, when and to what extent Scorpene operational data has been compromised. With DCNS silent, the navy is comparing the leaked trove of documents, as they are published in The Australian, with the documents in India. Yet, the defence ministry is displaying remarkable tolerance of the leaks from DCNS, despite those being apparent violations of the non-disclosure clauses that form a part of the Scorpene contract. “We cannot say for sure whether DCNS has violated a non-disclosure clause. What happens if the information was stolen, or hacked from DCNS networks?” argues a MoD official. Nor is the defence ministry willing to comment on whether this leak will affect DCNS’s chances of bagging an order for additional Scorpenes, beyond the six already contracted under Project 75. Officials say DCNS even remains eligible for Project 75-I — India’s proposed purchase of six conventional submarines with air-independent propulsion (AIP). “We are evaluating the situation as information is released,” says an official. Ministry officials remain perplexingly sanguine about what analysts world-wide regard as an extremely worrying leak of data relating to operational capability — including electromagnetic frequencies for intelligence gathering, details of the Scorpene’s sonar system, including the frequency of its various arrays and approximate acoustic signature, including that of its propeller. Much of the compromised data is not yet publicly known, since The Australian has published only a tiny portion of the documents it claims to have. “A submarine is a highly customised weapon system. The navy has selected the equipment for the Indian Scorpene; in fact, some of the weapon systems have not yet been chosen. The five-six-year-old data that has been leaked relates to a generic version of the Scorpene, perhaps the Chilean or Malaysian submarine, not to the customised Indian vessel,” says an official. The Indian Navy has arrived at this conclusion after reviewing just 13 published pages out of the 22,400 pages that The Australian claims it has reviewed. Says another official, downplaying the leak: “Vendors like DCNS freely supply generic information to any prospective customer. It is like a Maruti car dealer, who will supply details of a car to any customer who requests it.” Asked why the leaked documents bear the Indian Navy logo, are translated from French into English, and have each page stamped with the logo ‘Restricted Scorpene India’; defence ministry officials explain that could be because DCNS, and other French vendors like Thales, had customised the documents for India. That, however, would indicate that the leaked documents related to the customised Indian version of the Scorpene. On the plus side, New Delhi’s years of delay in choosing weapon systems for the Scorpene might have worked to the navy’s advantage. The long-range torpedo, a submarine’s primary weapon, has not yet been selected — partly because the vendor chosen earlier was WASS, a subsidiary of the sanctioned Finmeccanica group. Other systems, like electronic warfare equipment and sonar, might have been saved from exposure because they have been substantially indigenised. The French vendors, DCNS and Thales, are required to merely provide plug-in slots that will house the secret Indian equipment.An important section of the Indian Navy headquarters here has changed its biorhythm to Melbourne time, monitoring The Australian newspaper as it publishes leaked documents containing the operational secrets of India’s new Scorpene submarines. As The Australian incrementally publishes tranches from the 22,400 pages of sensitive documents that it indicates were leaked from French shipbuilder, DCNS, naval planners in Delhi scour them in real time for information that might make India’s Scorpene submarine fleet sitting ducks in combat. The newspaper is redacting the documents it publishes, blacking out data it deems particularly sensitive. Indian officials, including Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar on Friday, say they are catering for a “best case scenario”, and “worst case scenario”. The latter encompasses the possibility that the full version of the documents have fallen into hostile hands, and the six Scorpene submarines that will join the navy’s fleet by 2019 have been operationally compromised. A “high-level committee” has been established in the defence ministry to evaluate the extent of the damage. Surprisingly, defence ministry sources say DCNS has not yet responded to an Indian query about how, when and to what extent Scorpene operational data has been compromised. With DCNS silent, the navy is comparing the leaked trove of documents, as they are published in The Australian, with the documents in India. Yet, the defence ministry is displaying remarkable tolerance of the leaks from DCNS, despite those being apparent violations of the non-disclosure clauses that form a part of the Scorpene contract. “We cannot say for sure whether DCNS has violated a non-disclosure clause. What happens if the information was stolen, or hacked from DCNS networks?” argues a MoD official. Nor is the defence ministry willing to comment on whether this leak will affect DCNS’s chances of bagging an order for additional Scorpenes, beyond the six already contracted under Project 75. Officials say DCNS even remains eligible for Project 75-I — India’s proposed purchase of six conventional submarines with air-independent propulsion (AIP). “We are evaluating the situation as information is released,” says an official. Ministry officials remain perplexingly sanguine about what analysts world-wide regard as an extremely worrying leak of data relating to operational capability — including electromagnetic frequencies for intelligence gathering, details of the Scorpene’s sonar system, including the frequency of its various arrays and approximate acoustic signature, including that of its propeller. Much of the compromised data is not yet publicly known, since The Australian has published only a tiny portion of the documents it claims to have. “A submarine is a highly customised weapon system. The navy has selected the equipment for the Indian Scorpene; in fact, some of the weapon systems have not yet been chosen. The five-six-year-old data that has been leaked relates to a generic version of the Scorpene, perhaps the Chilean or Malaysian submarine, not to the customised Indian vessel,” says an official. The Indian Navy has arrived at this conclusion after reviewing just 13 published pages out of the 22,400 pages that The Australian claims it has reviewed. Says another official, downplaying the leak: “Vendors like DCNS freely supply generic information to any prospective customer. It is like a Maruti car dealer, who will supply details of a car to any customer who requests it.” Asked why the leaked documents bear the Indian Navy logo, are translated from French into English, and have each page stamped with the logo ‘Restricted Scorpene India’; defence ministry officials explain that could be because DCNS, and other French vendors like Thales, had customised the documents for India. That, however, would indicate that the leaked documents related to the customised Indian version of the Scorpene. On the plus side, New Delhi’s years of delay in choosing weapon systems for the Scorpene might have worked to the navy’s advantage. The long-range torpedo, a submarine’s primary weapon, has not yet been selected — partly because the vendor chosen earlier was WASS, a subsidiary of the sanctioned Finmeccanica group. Other systems, like electronic warfare equipment and sonar, might have been saved from exposure because they have been substantially indigenised. The French vendors, DCNS and Thales, are required to merely provide plug-in slots that will house the secret Indian equipment.