SPREAD MESSAGE OF INDIAN NATIONAL SECURITY TO AS MANY INDIANS AS POSSIBLE. LET US FREE INDIA OF CORRUPTION BY SPREADING THE MESSAGE TO AS MANY PEOPLE.MANY OF THE ARTICLES HAVE BEEN RECEIVED AS FORWARDED MAIL FROM VARIOUS FRIENDS . SHOULD SOME FACTS BE NOT CORRECT , YOU ARE REQUESTED TO PUT IT IN REMARKS BELOW THE ARTICLE. THIS WILL ENSURE A MORE BALANCED PERSPECTIVE OF THE SUBJECT DISCUSSED.
Monday, 29 February 2016
DEFENSE BUDGET 2016 EXPECTATIONS
THE TRUE STORY THAT INSPIRES
THE TRUE STORY THAT INSPIRES
Story that inspires while all the rot we see displayed these days in news
Been to Laddakh for a week long family trip.
Local driver was 28 years old chap named Jigmet.
Jigmet's family consist of his parents, wife and two kid girls.
This was the conversation with Jigmet, during our drives in deep Himalayan Ranges.
Prashant -: At the end of this week tourist season in Laddakh will end.
Are you planning to go to Goa, the way Nepali Workers from Hotels do?
Jigmet -: No, I am local Laddakhi, so I won't go any where in winter.
Prashant -:What work will you do in winter?
Jigmet -: Nothing, will sit up quietly at home ( chuckles and winks)
Prashant -: For six months, up to next April?
Jigmet -: I have one option for working. It's to go to Siachen.
Prashant -: Siachen? What you will do there?
Jigmet -: Work as Loader for Indian Army.
Prashant -: You mean, you will join Indian Army as Jawan?
Jigmet -: No, I have crossed age limit to join Army.
This is a contract job for Indian Army. With my few friend drivers, I willtravel 265 kilometers to Siachen Base camp, My medical examination will be done there to check, if I am fit enough for this job. If I am declared fit, then Army will issue us uniforms, shoes, warm clothing, helmets, etc.
We will have to walk up mountains for 15 days to reach Siachen. There isno motorable road to reach Siachen. We will work there for 3 months.
Prashant -: What work will you do?
Jigmet -: It is of loader. To carry load on our back from one chowki to other in Siachen. All supplies are airdropped there.
We do the job of picking it up and carrying it in Chowki.
Prashant -: Why Army does not use Mules or vehicles for shifting of loads?
Jigmet -: Siachen is a glacier. Trucks or other vehicle will not work there. Ice scooters make too much of sound, which will attract attention from enemy around there. Use of vehicle will result in firing from other side.We go out in the middle of night, generally around 2 am and pick up load silently and bring back to barracks. We can't even use a torch. Mules or horses cannot be used because at the altitude of 18875 feet, in winter temperature of minus 50 no animal will survive.
Prashant -: How can you lift load on your back where oxygen levels are low?
Jigmet -: we carry maximum 15 kgs at a time. and we work maximum for 2 hours in a day. Rest of the time is for recapturing.
Prashant -: That is very risky
Jigmet -: Many of my friend died there. Some of them fell in bottomless crevasses. Some got shot down by enemy bullets.
The biggest danger we have in Siachen is of frost bites.
Prashant -: This is life threatening
Jigmet -: Yes, but it's rewarding, We are paid Rs 18000/- per month.
Since all expenses are taken care of, we can save around Rs 50000/- in these three months. This money is precious for my family, for my daughter's education.
And finally I have feeling that I am serving Army, which means my nation.
Sunday, 28 February 2016
Modi’s war on two fronts enters decisive phase
Modi’s war on two fronts enters decisive phase
By MADHAV NALAPAT | NEW DELHI | 28 February, 2016
Pakistan GHQ is intensifying the efforts of its ‘non-terror front’.
Officials in India and in partner countries conducting the ongoing War on Terror on ISIS and similar elements warn that the concentration of Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) effort on a few students of the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) may be making them lose sight of a far bigger challenge to national security. This is “the intensification of the Non-Terror Front (NTF) by the Pakistan army’s GHQ at Rawalpindi and its associated organisations”, such as the ISI and numerous NGOs spread across both India as well as in Europe and the United States. Earlier, The Sunday Guardian had drawn attention to a coming “Summer of Discontent” that would witness an artificially created public unrest on a scale designed to “distract and weaken the agencies of the state” and to “throw cold water on the ‘India Story’ showcased by Prime Minister Modi to global investors” (Multiple groups plan hot summer for Modi, 7 February, 2015). Officials are dismayed at, for example, the “seeming reluctance of the Haryana authorities to accept that the recent violence (in the name of reservation for a particular community) was not accidental but deliberate”, or that “the most deadly acts of violence were planned and funded by cash originating from the narcotics industry in Punjab and Rajasthan”. They add that “planning for the violence took place in Dubai and Mumbai”, and that “there is proof via intercepts and travel records to identify the ringleaders behind the violence”.
However, “these are being protected from enquiry by hawala dealers laundering narcotics cash, and who are close to the officials going slow on action against the ringleaders responsible for the sabotage, arson, loot, rape indulged in by an anti-national clique that acted under cover of the caste agitation”. The Jat community has done yeoman service to India in wartime and their patriotism is stellar. The community, as a whole, would never act in a way designed to weaken India, a country they have served with distinction. Hence, these officials point out, “those few—including many non-Jats—who were responsible for planning and funding the planned acts of violence seen in Haryana and Rajasthan need to be booked rather than allowed a free pass”. Not taking action “would embolden GHQ Rawalpindi to intensify violent stirs across the country”.
The national and international officials spoken to point to violent incidents that have taken place also in Rajasthan as well as through a stir by Kapu leaders in Andhra Pradesh. These “show evidence of the presence of infiltrators in the ISI’s Non-Terror Wing (NTW), who are using the cover of the agitation to create violence and mayhem across a state that has once again caught the attention of investors globally”. Experts in Counter-Terror Operations (CTOs) express dismay “at the swift conclusion by Maharashtra authorities that the recent fire at a Make in India show was an accident”. According to them, it was providential that “hundreds were not killed in the fire and indeed there were zero casualties” thanks to the absence of panic by the audience and the efficiency of the fire brigade, but “such an outcome seems to have prevented a comprehensive enquiry into what was a devastating incident and to take strong action against those guilty of causing the fire”, even if this were caused only through negligence and not by design. They point out that “whether it is deliberate or accidental can only be found out by a comprehensive enquiry of the depth and reach of a potential counter-terror operation, rather than treating it as a routine matter” simply because there were zero casualties.
According to an international source, GHQ has a ten-point plan to create economic and social chaos in India “soon after the Union Budget gets passed”, and when the economy gets poised for take-off because of investor interest and confidence in a government headed by Narendra Modi. These are: (1) speculative fever funded by operators close to the hawala and narcotics lobby, leading to high prices of essential items; (2) focus on decline in job creation caused by Chicago School economic policies; (3) uptick in the generation of unrest in Kashmir; (4) fanning of radicalism in Punjab on the 1980s Zia-ul-Haq model; (5) terror attacks by ISI-linked groups; (6) efforts at restarting NSCN(K) violence in the Northeast; (7) infiltrating workers’ groups to press for violent action on the lines of the Haryana agitation; (8) use of NGOs to give a negative picture of the government, thereby affecting its morale and possibly its response; (9) campus unrest on an all-India scale; and (10) a global campaign to label India as a country that is intolerant of women, children, the underprivileged and minorities.
According to those tracking such developments, “the narcotics lobby in India has promised funding for such operations” as the distraction created by such tumult draws attention away from them as well as serves to enervate and, in some cases, even paralyse the working of security agencies, including the police and paramilitary forces.
Taking a cue from the disruption caused during the August 1974 railway strike of two million workers of this priceless national asset, GHQ Rawalpindi, through its platforms in India, “is looking into ways of ensuring that violent and complete strikes take place” in railways, banking and road transport industries, “thereby burying the India Story for a long time to come”. Unfortunately, the ascendancy of Milton Friedman economic theories in North Block and the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has led for over a decade to policies that inhibit growth in the name of battling inflation. The RBI’s substitution of the Consumer Price Index for the Wholesale Price Index (which has been in negative territory for more than a year) has resulted in an interest rate policy that has choked demand and therefore private investment. If newspaper reports are correct, the Economic Advisor to the Ministry of Finance considers 70% of the population of this country to be well-off, something that will be news to hundreds of millions within or close to the margins of poverty defined in any rational way. As a consequence, there has been an absence thus far of the tax cuts and other investment-boosting mechanisms needed to achieve Prime Minister Modi’s wholly achievable target of at least 10 million jobs each year. Some experts worry that in actual fact, jobs have actually declined over the past two years, thanks to UPA-era policies that are yet to be jettisoned by North Block. It is estimated that even more jobs, 12 million annually, are needed to ensure that the young entering the job market be each given gainful occupations. Some officials in the economic ministries appear to be assuming that India is similar to 1970s South America (where there were authoritarian governments able to suppress dissent) and that therefore the effect on tens of millions of potentially volatile citizens of deflationary policies can be ignored. They need to understand that Prime Minister Modi is fully committed to democratic values and practices in sync with his call for “Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas” and that therefore to create a policy matrix ignoring social impact is wrong. Such Chicago School types are ignoring even the factor of negative rural demand caused by two drought years and three drought seasons in their deflationary zeal. Such an approach is inadvertently feeding into GHQ’s plans to create unrest and chaos through its Non-Terror Wing.
2016 is a year crucial for not simply the political fortunes of the BJP but the very future of India. This is a year where Prime Minister Modi will need to ensure the defeat of not only the Terror Front but the Non-terror front as well. This will require a close examination of existing personnel and policies and their replacement by those suited to the 21st century and to the human and security needs of the 1.26 billion people of India, whatever be their religion or state. Given the experience of Gujarat, where Year 3 and Year 4 of the Modi era saw remarkable improvements in the policy matrix, there is optimism that 2016 will witness the transformational change that voters in India have been anticipating since 2014
A very competent expose by an honest journalist-such a rare phenomenon in contemporary India. The orchestrated campaign on few unfortunate and sporadic incidents have been blown up out of all proportions by politicians, unacademic low-grade academics and a dishonest media all flaunting their loyalty to "progressive" and "secular" Jihadi forces. Largely it is an inevitable outcome of a political system created and sustained on a particular communal vote bank whose basic loyalty is with the Islamic Ummah. Before partition there was just one Muslim League and a weak and vacillating Congress which too had showed its commitment to Khilafat. Now there are many more Muslim League minded political parties operating under the cover of a "secular" and "left-liberal" banner. An effective campaign to expose these anti-national and anti-Hindu elements must go on. History text books need to be replaced and all those trying to create chaos and help anti India elements must be brought to book.
he thing to understand is : it suits the CHURCH AND SAUDI both to have a weak India...where else will either get the converts they want. And in this bidding for converts, folks like the GANDHI FAMILY AND ITS COTORIE OF POLITICINAS, NEW CONVERTS LIKE Ambica Soni, Pranoy Roy, Rajdeep S. , Barkha etc profit and get rich. Karma is slow ...but it comes.
Saturday, 27 February 2016
http://www.marathisrushti.com/articles/e-book-the-challenge-of-indias-internal-security/
Friday, 26 February 2016
Encounters in J&K: Reiteration of the 'Last Mile Philosophy'-LONG BUT WORTH READING
Encounters in J&K: Reiteration of the 'Last Mile Philosophy'
Posted on: 12:17 PM IST Feb 24,
Wisdom & Valour - The General's Views
High intensity encounters between the Security Forces (SF) and the sponsored terrorists from Pakistan continue in the Valley with a degree of regularity, not as frequent as in the past but worrisome nevertheless. It is not the numbers but the quality of standoffs and the casualties that the Army is taking which cause dismay in public perception and rightly so. On one hand the public is fed with information about the improving situation and the strength of the counter terror and counter infiltration grids in J&K, by none other than analysts like me. Then there are frequent reports of glitches at the tactical and sub tactical levels leading to avoidable casualties. I have also gone to the extent of certifying the J&K counter terrorism model as the ideal one with each force and entity knowing where its space exists, its own limitations and strengths and the degree of cooperation it needs to overcome these. During the Pathankot incident I was strongly advocating that Punjab will have to sooner than later adopt this model. I am still convinced about that because the J&K model is inherently strong, based on years of experimentation and experience of some very competent practitioners. So, how do I view these repeated casualties in operations during contacts in the Valley? More importantly, how should the public be viewing this? If people with ground experience at tactical and operational levels cannot suitably convince public perception it is a failure of intellect and communication skills more than anything else; the public is not to be blamed. And, that unfortunately is the problem.
Almost a year to the date, Archana Masih of Rediff.com carried an interview with me in the online publication. In that I termed the situation in the Valley, 'The Last Mile'. I then went on to explain what exactly this means.
'The Last Mile' is simply a situation which is a symbolization of the last stages of conflict stabilization in the military domain; quite different from the political, ideological and social domains. The strength of terrorists is at the lowest ever, the LoC is well dominated to prevent easy calibration by the other side. High profile leadership is missing due to inability to infiltrate without the terrorists facing heavy attrition in the march to the hinterland. Even if successfully infiltrated the ability to strike root is difficult due to all round domination by the SF and intelligence agencies. Terror groups avoid contact with SF and attempt only small scale actions and await their day for a larger deliberate operation, like the current one underway in Pampore. The Army, in particular, is used to high octane stuff; big ticket events, large scale contacts and regular contacts with intelligence inputs. It confirms the high energy levels and the desire to do more; no one in the Army has the patience to sit it out and that is how an Army always is. Everyone is out to kill the last terrorist so that the ugly face of terrorists is eliminated. However, the lesser the terrorist presence and more that the Army tries the results will never be commensurate with statistics of the past. Take it from me; there will be casualties on the Army side higher in ratio than at the time when there were a larger number of terrorists.
In the Last Mile the attention of the Army will also be diverted by other issues. Human rights take bulk of the attention as do political and legal correctness and a host of other issues. Among many of these issues is something that commanders, staff and junior ranks never faced before; that is the issue of crowds and flash mobs descending on contact sites and attempting to divert SF attention or assist the terrorists to somehow get away. Hence, the greater urgency to finish operations at the earliest. This has been a phenomenon prevalent in South Kashmir in particular over the last two years or a little more. It instigates the SF and leads to responses where civilians are injured or die and that leads to fresh cycle of violence. Shupiyan and Pulwama districts have been the centers of this. Flash mobs can be unnerving and it is to the credit of the CRPF that it has done its task of crowd control rather well. Given the number of times it does it and the nature of instigation there will be occasions when mistakes will be made leading to loss of lives. This can never be justified but nevertheless will remain a factor among the challenges of the Last Mile.
How does the Last Mile translate into nature of operations and how exactly should the recent encounter at Pampore be viewed? There are all kinds of commentaries in the air and most compare Pathankot with Pampore; ‘chalk and cheese’ was what I tweeted on these commentaries, implying there can be no comparisons. It is foolish to state that the Special Forces were inefficient in handling the encounter and that given a chance at Pathankot they would have bungled.
The Pampore encounter is one of its kind; in fact a very rare one. Having witnessed hundreds of these in the Valley, to me it would probably appear as one of the better planned actions by the terrorists. They first targeted the CRPF administrative convoy taking advantage of the weak road protection; inflicted casualties there. They then withdrew either by design or by default to one of the largest buildings in the Pampore built up area. Entrepreneurship Development Institute (EDI) is a five floor building with many people inhabiting it in the late afternoon. The CRPF and 50 RR did well to quickly cordon the building. The CRPF was keen to attempt intervention and this is understandable because it had lost men in the ambush. Its early action forced evacuation and gave little time to the terrorists to attempt any profiling to take hostages or risk eliminating a few of the civilian inmates in the building. In the Valley terrorists do not necessarily focus on taking hostages as it is counterproductive to their cause. Observers may argue that there have been cases of hostage taking in the past and they would be right. However, in almost all cases inmates of buildings, in which terrorists take refuge have invariably been evacuated, without too much trouble, notwithstanding allegations against the Army using human shields.
The EDI building is not an easy one to assault to carry out an intervention operation. The CRPF was brave in attempting it but after suffering casualties decided to hand over to the Army’s Victor Force which looks after South Kashmir. The Army has a couple of Special Forces teams dedicated to the two RR Force HQ. Given the circumstances, the nature of objective and the fact that it would be a matter of time before flash mobs moved in to upset the Army and CRPF’s equilibrium the Army decided to use the Special Forces teams to carry out intervention operations. I can say with complete assurance that if I was in the position of Major Gen Arvind Datta (GOC Victor Force) my decision would have been the same. I write with the experience of also having been the Colonel General Staff of Victor Force during the heyday of militancy. The Special Forces teams did a professional job of it. Two officer casualties that they suffered, along with a L/Nk, is drawing the ire of many and forcing comparison with Pathankot where the NSG also suffered a fatal officer casualty; to add to this is the death of some Commanding Officers in the last one year. All this has resulted in allegations of lack of professionalism. This is the Last Mile effect playing out on perception. I know it is a clichéd argument but it is worth repeating that the Indian Army’s officer cadre leads from the front, even beyond the professional needs. Not many may know that when Special Forces teams operate in such operations they are officer intensive. A squad may have buddy pairs of officers and JCOs or even two officers. A troop may have as many as five officers for a specific operation where the entire unit is not involved. This is the way Special Forces function in counter terror operations where small teams with high efficiency are formed for specific tasks.
Coming to the operation itself, there have been many allegations that intervention was unnecessary and that the building should have been brought down using explosives. In the mind’s eye of all those making these allegations, including veterans, there is this usual picture of a typical Kashmiri house made of brick and cement and perhaps even mud, along with an attached cowshed. This wasn’t the case here. To wire up and lay the explosives for bringing down the cement and concrete five floor building would have taken fairly long. In the bargain the flash mobs would have created a major problem. These are the issues impinging on minds of senior officers and their advisers and decisions have then to be taken. The factors are hardly evident to those who may never have had the chance of going through such loops of decision making under stress.
In the final word, let me state clearly that fatal casualties are most regrettable but they will take place in such operations where Indian Army officers will always lead from the front. That is their ethos; it is a part of their DNA. Citizens of India must empathize with the travails that their warriors undergo in keeping them safe and express concern about casualties just as they have done in this instance. However, they must also be aware that in the peculiar security situation of the Last Mile there will be occasions when the last post will have to be played quite often. Those who have the honor and privilege of donning the Indian Army’s uniform and embellishments are fully aware of it. It is a measure of their patriotism, their energy and their professionalism that they never flinch from their duties to the Nation.
As a last word I cannot let go a negative comment by a Joint Secretary about the current Army Chief having to repeatedly attend wreath laying ceremonies and funerals of warriors who are martyred in such operations. This gentleman has poked fun at a Chief who is in sync with his men and their sacrifices. He should be put through the exercise of one exposure for just a 48 hour high octane operation in the Valley. I guarantee you he will never return with the seat of his pants in the state it was when he went up there
आव्हान जम्मू-आणि-काश्मीर मधील छुप्या युद्धाचे ब्रिगेडिअर हेमंत महाजन
http://www.bookganga.com/eBooks/Books/details/5451077040939915355?BookName=Aavhan
PROXY WAR IN JAMMU KASHMIR :A WINNING STRATEGY- BY BRIG HEMANT MAHAJAN
CONTACT SUNIL JANGAM-9930156891(MUMBAI)
http://rmponweb.org/publication_proxy_war.php
National flag and National universities-Major General G.D. Bakshi and Smriti Irani statements after JNU anti-national sloganeering.
National flag and National universities-Major General G.D. Bakshi and Smriti Irani statements after JNU anti-national sloganeering.
Dear Friends,
Please see the enclosed which are self explanatory, It is true, many of us do not even pay attention whether any university in India has national flag flying on its campus. When we walk into any campus of universities abroad, UK or US etc you can see both national flag , state flags along with university emblems all flying together.
It is good that HRD minister Ms. Smriti Irani took notice and expressed sympathy to tears of Maj Gen Bakshi as an Indian citizen. Hope as a HRD minister , her ministry orders the offending universities to fly national flag with all due honors and protocol .
Hope the universities like JNU Alighad Muslim University, Jamiya Miliya University of Delhi, Jadhawpoor University of Kolkata, Usmaniya University of Hydrabad, University of Shrinagar of Kashmir will know what Indian national flag looks like. May be HRD ministry can send a picture along with the required order. We don't want to go or visit an University in India and see a Pakistani or Chinese flag flying there regardless of rights and freedoms of expression that allows their students to shout Pakistan Zindabad as they shouted in Jawaharlal Nehru University.
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https://pbs.twimg.com/profile_images/2699212062/bf91ff95359bf22be76faa3fc96a6abd_400x400.jpeg
Major General G.D. Bakshi
New Delhi, India ·
On Arnab's debate today I suddenly realized the difference between us soldiers and others. it suddenly hit me. It hurt me deeply to see what we have become. We have problems now with flying our national Flag.? I learnt with the greatest shock that so far the national flag has not been flying in our Universities? Why pray? Are they UN enclaves in Free India beyond the pale of our sovereignty? Are we required to sing the Communist international there instead of our National anthem? Are the universities paid for by our taxes required to celebrate every Afzal Guru , every Maoist? Celebrate every 76 brave CRPF boys who get killed by the Maoists? Celebrate every single soldier who gets killed in J&K? The problem is the sophisticated debate that these bastions of Leftist liberals have created. Every patriot is a lumpen. The smart set , the real cool intellectuals support Afzal Guru. For that is the fastest way to a Noble peace Prize or even a Magasay Award (Get rich quick guys- who cares for that land called India). Only soldiers like us are stupid enough to become EXTREME NATIONALISTS. Only soldiers make that extreme sacrifice !! And all along we were told it was the SUPREME sacrifice . The Flag my friend is NOT a piece of tattered silk to us soldiers. It is the SYMBOL of who we are. It is for this piece of tattered silk that we have to Fight and DIE- we have NO choice. You DO! That’s the difference.
https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcSOcXEepG42ykuBMHGPQDaQm0M9AqeAgbWlrLgF-XcNS2Kl4Lmf
HRD Minister Smriti Irani to Maj Gen (Retd) Bakshi on #TheNewshour
“I am calling tonight not as a minister. I am calling tonight as an Indian citizen who see tears in the eyes of men like GD Bakshi. This is a message only for him. There are political battles, explanations, picture and debate which will ensue in the forthcoming session of the parliament..… But as an Indian citizen tonight I want to tell men like GD Bakshi. It is the greatest tragedy of my nation today, that I see tears in the eyes of a brave soldier like you, Sir... Let me say this as every Indian watching you tonight would say. Men like you have bled for our country, men like you have never asked us for anything in return. And tonight as you weep on News Hour, I will only say this, as an Indian citizen we are grateful for your sacrifices, we are grateful for your service. And, under the flag, every day - knowingly and unknowingly - know this, we will be grateful for ever."
‘प. बंगाल का मालदा जिला बना भारत का मिनी अङ्गगानिस्तान’ -M SHEVDE T BHARAT
‘प. बंगाल का मालदा जिला बना भारत का मिनी अङ्गगानिस्तान’
पंजाब केसरी’ या उत्तरेतील एका मोठ्या दैनिकात सौधृती भबानी यांचा ‘प. बंगाल का मालदा जिला बना भारत का मिनी अङ्गगानिस्तान’ या शीर्षकाचा लेख प्रकाशित झाला आहे. त्यात त्यांनी चोरट्या अङ्गूचा व्यापार तेथे कसा चालतो ते लिहिले आहे. मालदा जवळील गोलपगंज, बल्लाडांगा, मोहब्बतपूर, कालियाचक, मोथावाडी ही अशा प्रकारच्या तस्करीची केंद्रे आहेत. त्यामुळे ३ जानेवारीचा हल्ला हा पूर्वनियोजितच होता, हे आता समोर येत आहे.
मालदा येथे जो उद्रेक गत महिन्यात झाला त्याची बर्यामपैकी धूळ खाली बसल्यानंतर शांतपणे त्याचा आढावा एका वृत्तवाहिनीने घेतला आणि उत्तरेकडच्या काही वृत्तपत्रांतून तत्संबंधीची वृत्तेदेखील प्रकाशित झाली. आपल्याकडच्या वृत्तवाहिन्यांवर एक-दोन दिवस चर्चेचे गुर्हातळ होते आणि मग तो विषय मागे पडतो. बहुधा यालाच शोधपत्रकारिता म्हणत असावेत.
उत्तर प्रदेशातील कमलेश तिवारीच्या वादग्रस्त टिप्पणीनंतर त्याला अटक करण्यात आली. त्यानंतर तब्बल एक महिन्यानंतर
प. बंगालमधील मालदा येथे अडिच लाख मुसलमानांचा मोर्चा का निघावा, याचा धांडोळा घेण्याची आपल्या येथील पत्रकारांना गरज वाटली नसावी. त्या निषेध मोर्चाने नेमके पोलिसांनाच लक्ष्य का केले आणि कालियाचक येथील पोलीस ठाणे का जाळले व पोलिसांना जीवाच्या भयाने तेथून पळून का जावे लागले? हे व असे अनेक प्रश्न अनुत्तरितच राहिले. देशाच्या अंतर्गत रक्षणकर्त्यांवर असा हल्ला होणे म्हणजे या देशाचा कायदा आम्ही मानत नाही, असा संदेश देणे नव्हे काय? हा हल्ला म्हणजे एक प्रकारे देशाच्या सार्वभौमत्वाला दिलेले आव्हान ठरत नाही काय? मग याविरुद्ध नेमकी काय कारवाई होणार आहे? कारण वाहने जाळणे, पोलीस ठाणे जाळणे, दुकाने ङ्गोडणे व लुटणे, घरे ङ्गोडणे या सर्व गोष्टी करणारे ङ्गक्त दहाच जण होते यावर विश्वा स बसतो काय? पण अटक मात्र तेवढ्या लोकांनाच झाली आहे. हे लिहून होईपर्यंत त्यातील कित्येकजण सुटतीलसुद्धा!!
बनावट नोटा छापण्याचा मोठा धंदा तेथे चालत होता, असे बोलले जाते. या व्यवसायात अनेक बड्या लोकांचा हात आहे. त्यांच्या संबंधातील महत्त्वाची माहिती या पोलीस ठाण्यात जमा झाली होती. राष्ट्रीय अन्वेषण यंत्रणा या सर्व गोष्टींचा तपास करणार होती. त्यामुळे हे पोलीस ठाणे जाळून टाकण्यात आले. आपोआप त्यात असलेली कागदपत्रे जळून खाक झाली. कोठडीचे कुलूप तोडून आत असलेल्या आरोपींना मुक्त करण्यात आले. हे सगळेजण बनावट नोटांच्या प्रकरणात अडकले होते. याचा अर्थ असा की, सामान्य मुसलमानाच्या भावनांचा कोणी तरी चतुरपणे वापर करून आपली मान वाचवली. तो कोण आहे हे तपासयंत्रणा शोधून काढतील, असा विश्वायस बाळगू. धर्माच्या नावाने कोणीही हाक दिली की, सर्वसामान्य माणूस अशा जाळ्यात सापडू शकतो याचे हे मोठे उदाहरण आहे. एका महिन्याने आयोजकांना जाग का आली, असा विचार मोर्चात सामील होणार्याे कोणाच्याही मनात आला नाही.
‘पंजाब केसरी’ या उत्तरेतील एका मोठ्या दैनिकात सौधृती भबानी यांचा ‘प. बंगाल का मालदा जिला बना भारत का मिनी अङ्गगानिस्तान’ या शीर्षकाचा लेख प्रकाशित झाला आहे. त्यात त्यांनी चोरट्या
अङ्गूचा व्यापार तेथे कसा चालतो ते लिहिले आहे. मालदामधील गोलपगंज भाग हा हिरव्यागार शेतांचा दिसतो. शेतांच्या मध्ये काही ठिकाणी मच्छरदाण्या लावलेल्या दिसतात. बाहेरच्या कोणाही माणसाला तेथे प्रवेश नाही. आजूबाजूला बंदूकधार्यां चा तेथे पहारा असतो. नशिल्या पदार्थांचा व्यापार व तस्करी तेथे मोठ्या प्रमाणावर चालते.
तस्करीतून मिळणार्याू पैशातून अत्याधुनिक हत्यारे खरेदी केली जातात, असे पोलीस सूत्रांचे म्हणणे आहे. या तस्करीसाठी धार्मिक संस्थांचा वापरसुद्धा करून घेतला जातो. त्या भागात असलेल्या शेकडो मदरशांच्या आडून तस्करी केली जाते. हा भाग पूर्ववर्ती सीमेपासून केवळ आठ कि. मी. इतकाच दूर आहे. येथील लहान मुलेसुद्धा कच्ची
अङ्गू गोळा करण्याच्या कामावर लावली जातात. त्यातून पुढे हेरॉईनची निर्मिती होते. गोलपगंज, बल्लाडांगा, मोहब्बतपूर, कालियाचक, मोथावाडी ही अशा प्रकारच्या तस्करीची केंद्रे आहेत. नाव न सांगण्याच्या अटीवर तृणमूल कॉंग्रेसचा एक वरिष्ठ नेता म्हणाला की, ‘‘हा भाग म्हणजे जणू मिनी अङ्गगाणिस्तान बनला आहे. नोटांनी भरलेली एक कार पोलिसांनी पकडली, पण कोणाचा तरी ङ्गोन आला आणि त्यांनी ती सोडून दिली. एकूण येथील स्थिती भयानक आहे. त्यातून निवडणुका जवळ आल्या आहेत.’’
इम्तियाज नामक स्थानिक रहिवासी म्हणाला की, ‘‘सीझनमध्ये, कच्ची अङ्गू ६० ते ७० हजार रुपये किलो या दराने विकली जाते. एका रोपापासून साधारणत: ३० ग्राम कच्ची
अङ्गू मिळते. त्यात १२ टक्के वेदनाशामक मोर्ङ्गिन असते. त्यावर रासायनिक प्रक्रिया केली म्हणजे हेरॉईन बनते.’’
३ जानेवारीचा हल्ला हा पूर्वनियोजितच होता. त्यासाठी तिवारीचे वक्तव्य हे निमित्त ठरविण्यात आले. ३५ वाहने जाळणे, सरकारी संपत्तीची नासधूस करणे आणि पोलीस ठाणे जाळणे या गोष्टी पोलिसांना इशारा देण्यासाठी करण्यात आल्या.
अङ्गू उत्पादकांच्या विरोधात काही कारवाई केलीत तर याद राखा, हा संदेश यामागे होता. बांगलादेशातून येथे हत्यारे आणि बनावट नोटा यांची तस्करी अगदी सहजपणे केली जाते. याविरोधात कोणी आवाज उठविण्याची हिंमत करीत नाही.
एका स्थानिक रहिवाशाने सांगितले की, ‘‘त्या दिवशीच्या घटनेमुळे आम्ही भयभीत झालो आहोत. कालियाचक येथील चौरंगी भागात एकाएकी मोठ्या संख्येने लोक जमा होऊ लागले. त्यांच्या हातात रॉकेलचे डबे, धारदार हत्यारे, बंदुका आणि इस्लामी झेंडे होते. मी कुटुंबीयांना घरात ढकलून जीव मुठीत धरून लपलो.’’
ही सर्व माहिती ‘पंजाब केसरी’ने छापली आहे. आपल्याकडे पुरोगामीत्वाचा डंका पिटणार्याा महाभागांनी कधी याबद्दल कोठे निषेध नोंदवला आहे का? कोणत्या वृत्तपत्रात याबद्दल काही लिहिले आहे का? यांचे पुरोगामीत्व सिलेक्टिव्ह असल्यानेच हे होते. याला त्यांचा तरी काय इलाज आहे!! देशात जातीय अथवा धार्मिक विष पेरणारे आणि देशद्रोह करणारे, कोणत्याही धर्माचे असोत पण त्यांचा बंदोबस्त केला जावा, ही आमची भूमिका आहे. पुरोगाम्यांनीसुद्धा यावर कधी तरी विचार करायला हरकत नाही. ते तोंडाने आमचीसुद्धा तशीच भूमिका आहे, असे म्हणतात. पण लेखन अथवा चर्चेतून तसे कधी ठामपणे त्यांनी मांडलेले िनदान आम्ही तरी पाहिले नाही...!!
Thursday, 25 February 2016
Gen. Malik, Please tell the nation what Barkha did at Kargil — Jay Bhattacharjee
Gen. Malik, Please tell the nation what Barkha did at Kargil — Jay Bhattacharjee
Jay Bhattacharjee writes an open letter to former Army chief General Malik who led the army in 1999 during the Kargil war. Read on…
General V.P. Malik (Retd.)
PVSM, AVSM, ADC
Former Chief of Army Staff
Panchkula (Haryana)
Dear General Malik : 23 February 2016
Sir, please allow me to state upfront, that I have been (and will continue to be) one of your admirers for a number of reasons. The first one, of course, is that, from Sept.1997 to Sept.2000, you commanded a 1.4 million strong Army that has protected and guarded our young Republic (which is, at the same time, an ancient and venerable civilisation) with the utmost commitment, valour and loyalty. For almost the entire Indian population (barring a minuscule minority), the nation’s armed forces are the most admired and venerated institution by a thousand miles (please pardon the hyperbole). No other institution comes anywhere remotely close, in this contest.
The other reasons are personal. You have a natural dignity, composure sang froid, and articulateness that are exemplary. Truly befitting a military leader. Then, of course, it is a matter of record that you led the Army to resounding victory (at an incredible cost) in a war that had everything stacked against it. This does not take away the magnificent contribution of our air warriors, the men in blue, who carried out very difficult operations to support their OG comrades. Your famous statement that the armed forces would do their best with whatever equipment and resources they had at their disposal, is still etched in my mind and brings back painful memories when I think of the Kargil war.
However, the reason why I am penning this letter to you is because of certain developments that are not of your doing. The provocation is the “open” letter sent a few days ago by a prominent Indian journalist, Barkha Dutt, to the Prime Minister. The communication has been uploaded on the internet portal of the media house where Ms. Dutt works (http://www.ndtv.com/opinion/a-letter-to-pm-modi-from-anti-national-sickular-presstitute-barkha-dutt-1279441).
As you can see, the title of this article is deliberately provocative and eye-catching. Nothing wrong in this, per se, since the media in our shores and in other countries derives its bread and butter from self-generated publicity,whether in the form of TRPs for TV programmes or the number of “likes” / “shares” for a written piece. However, the latest salvo of Ms. Dutt (BD) needs to be closely scrutinised and assessed. Please permit me, dear General, to spell out the broader concerns I have with this piece, before I come to the thrust of my letter to you.
.It is a matter of enormous mystery to me (and countless others) how BD and her employer company have survived, let alone prospered. If you remember, and I am sure you do, the episode of the Nira Radia tapes and how BD and her shenanigans were mercilessly exposed, you will surely ask yourself how this person continues in public life. In any other civilized, democratic country, she would have been hung out to dry and banished to the 4th Estate’s version of Siberia, to live in oblivion. In fact, BD’s shameless shenanigans were briefly featured in a crudely-crafted “apology” on her own channel and she was seamlessly “rehabilitated” in her job, where she continues till today. If anything, she has prospered and flourished, and her amour-propre has gone up in geometric progression. It is only in good old Bharat (and in some tin-pot banana Republics like North Korea, Haiti and some Islamic dictatorships) that miracles like this happen.
The present essay by BD fits squarely in her trademark mould. Using all the tricks that her profession has taught her, she projects herself as a fearless defender of civil rights, free speech, right to dissent etc. The backdrop for her article is the JNU saga and all its nuances. I am not going into the intricacies of her piece in this letter to you, since I believe the prime Minister and his colleagues are quite capable of rebutting BD’s disingenuousness and intellectual sleights of hand. Because, I now propose to come to the reason why I am writing to you and why I need you to respond. Mea culpa for the rather longish preface, but I am sure you will pardon me.
What bothers me deeply is that, in this latest brouhaha, BD, once again, has projected her “veer senani” image of a fearless warrior and admirer of the country’s armed forces. Her purple prose would have you believe that her Kargil experience in 1999 “and the intimacy and immediacy of that overwhelming exposure would make me a life-long admirer of our military. “ In fact, BD gives the distinct impression in her epistle to the PM that she layed a vital role in the entire Kargil war. She compounds her crime when she extols herself in her latest book, This Unquiet Land – Stories From India’s Fault Lines (2016) and involves you directly. She, as is her wont, goes on the attack fearlessly and takes the figurative bull by the horns. This is where you come in directly, dear General.
BD, on page iv of this book, refers to the “venomous whispers” about her conduct when she was covering the Kargil war and claims that when you gave her an appointment after the war, you complimented her about her performance and even said that she (BD) was a “force-multiplier”. As far as her use of a satellite phone (an Iridium instrument) was concerned, she quotes you as telling her that others (including some persons in the Army) had the same satellite phones and more importantly, the Pakistani military did not have the capability of monitoring these satellite phones. She puts you in the centre podium by claiming that you have confirmed this conversation with her in your own memoirs of the Kargil war.
This puts the whole thing in a new perspective. The fact is that all sources verify that BD was the only journalist in the war zone who had a satellite phone. Also, the number of satellite phones with the Indian army was limited to a few senior-most officers who were not in the conflict zone. Therefore, the chances of BD’s satphone being the one tracked by the Pakistanis are very high. The errors of commission and omission, of which BD is accused of, are extremely serious. After the Dy. Brigade Commander at Drass, Colonel David, briefed BD on the progress of the actual assault on Tiger Hill, BD is reported to have gone live immediately. Indian intercepts of Pakistani military messages indicate that the Pakistani rear commanders immediately alerted their troops on top of Tiger Hill to redirect .their fire in the direction of the Indian soldiers who were climbing Tiger Hill. About 14-20 of our soldiers were massacred by this deadly fire and died on the ropes they were using to climb their target.
There is another incident pertaining to BD that has been talked about for years. When doing a recording outside the Brigade HQ gate, her cameraman switched on a light fitted on the camera to illuminate her – helmet, mike and all. This was the trademark image of BD that she and her employers mercilessly capitalised on for many years after the war. A few seconds later, having said that she was reporting from 56 Brigade HQ, BD and her team moved out. After about five minutes or so, Pakistani artillery saturated the area with a barrage, after having got a fix on the light. A small STD booth at the gate took a direct hit, killing an officer and three jawans from 17 Garhwal Rifles, who were present there at the time.
I am reproducing all the old reports, because they have not been satisfactorily explained. Neither have they been investigated with the seriousness and rigour that were called for. As a result, BD has got away scot free and, worse, projected herself in a light that may not be accurate at all. Do not forget, General, that the Kargil war was her launch pad. And I am afraid, you have not been altogether kosher with the Indian public, your comrades in the army and your conscience. You have not seriously investigated the reported offences and misdemeanours of BD. To start with, when on the 6th July 1999, our Army intercepted the conversations between Pakistani troops dug in at Tiger Hill and their rear HQ, you were furious with NDTV and BD. You immediately directed XV Corps HQ to issue a signal asking the entire press corps to leave the region.
As it transpired, this blanket order was quietly withdrawn a few hours later because of Lt General Arjun Ray (in charge of the Army’s media cell) who persuaded you not to penalise the entire press corps because of BD’s crime. You and the Army took no action against BD. A year after the war, when NDTV went into overdrive about their Kargil coverage, you and the Army again kept quiet. This omerta continues till today, even when BD refers to your accolades about her in her latest (2016) book. You, clearly are not the only one responsible for the relentless rise of BD. Your Army comrade Mohinder Puri, too, did not hesitate to seek encomiums from BD at his book release function. Neither can Shiv Kunal Verma, from an old .military family, resist the temptation to have BD as one of the chief invitees at his book launch.
Dear General, as an officer of the Sikh Light Infantry, you are surely aware of Guru Gobind Singh’s prayer to Lord Shiv when he seeks the courage to do the right thing :
Dehi Shiva Bar Mohe Ihe, Shubh Karman Se Kabhun Na Taron.
Na Daron Ari Son Jab Jai Laron,
Nischey Kar Apni Jeet Karon.
(O God Shiva, give me this boon,
That I never desist from doing good deeds
I be fearless when I fight the enemy
And that I certainly attain victory)
As a son-in-law of the Punjab, it is my honour to invoke Guru Gobind Singh. But, finally, I have to conclude with Gurudev’s words, since BD has had the chutzpah to quote Tagore in her letter to the PM. The last Renaissance figure the world has seen, says it all about doing the right thing in life :
অন্যায় যে করে আর অন্যায় যে সহে
তব ঘৃণা যেন তারে তৃণসম দহে।
(The one who commits a wrong and the one who tolerates wrong- doing, may they both be engulfed by the fire of your contempt)
Jay Bhattacharjee MA(Cantab), FCS
Advisor (Corporate Laws & Finance)
घराघरात अफजल नको,कॅप्टन तुषार महाजन, हनुमंतप्पा हवेत
घराघरात अफजल नको, हनुमंतप्पा हवेत
नागपूरमधील युवा जागरण मंचाने गुरुवारी एका अतिशय उद्बोधक कार्यक्रमाचे आयोजन केले आहे. सियाचीनमध्ये शहीद झालेले शूर जवान हनुमंतप्पा यांच्या कुटुंबीयांना सन्मान आणि हनुमंतप्पा यांच्या मुलीच्या शिक्षणासाठी एक लाखाचा निधी अर्पण तसेच ‘जेएनयू का सच’ या विषयावर अ. भा. वि. प. चे राष्ट्रीय संघटनमंत्री सुनील आंंबेकर यांचे व्याख्यान, असा हा कार्यक्रम आहे. देशाच्या राजधानीत एका आंतरराष्ट्रीय ख्याती असलेल्या विद्यापीठात ‘तुम एक अफजल मारोगे, घर घर से अफजल निकलेगा’ किंवा ‘अफजल हम शरमिंदा हैं, तेरे कातिल जिंदा हैं’ अशा देशविरोधी घोषणा दिल्या गेल्याचे प्रकरण चालू आहे. अशा वेळी युवा जागरण मंचाचा हा कार्यक्रम म्हणजे ‘घर घर में अफजल नही, हनुमंतप्पा होगा’ अशी भावना व्यक्त करण्याचाच कार्यक्रम आहे. राजकीय फायद्यासाठी किंवा विरोधासाठी विरोध करायचा म्हणून राजकीय मंडळी काहीही म्हणत असली, तरी देशातील सर्वसामान्य नागरिकांची हीच भावना आहे. तीच भावना या कार्यक्रमातून नेमकेपणाने अभिव्यक्त होणार आहे.
वास्तविक देशभक्ती हा चर्चेचा विषय असायलाच नको. मात्र, आपल्या देशात अभिव्यक्तिस्वातंत्र्याचा इतका अतिरेक झाला आहे की त्याच्या आडून देशद्रोही उजळ माथ्याने देशविरोधी विचार मांडतात आणि शब्दच्छल करत राजकारणी त्यांचे समर्थन करतात. जवाहरलाल नेहरू विद्यापीठात डाव्या विचारांची चळवळ फार वर्षांपासून चालू आहे. साम्यवादी विचार हा एक राजकीय विचार आहे. देशभक्ती ही एक भावना आहे. साम्यवादी विचार मांडणार्‍यांमध्ये भगतसिंग यांच्यापासून अनेक जण आहेत. तसे देशविरोधी विचार आणि कृती करणारे नक्षलवाद्यांसारखेही लोक आहेत. सोयीने याची सरमिसळ करता येणार नाही. जवाहरलाल नेहरू विद्यापीठात ९ फेब्रुवारी रोजी, संसदेवरील दहशतवादी हल्ल्याचा मास्टरमाईंड अफजल याला फाशी दिल्याचा दिवस म्हणून त्याचे मातम करण्याचा कार्यक्रम आयोजित करण्यात आला. विद्यापीठ प्रशासनाने त्याला परवानगी दिली नसतानाही नियम मोडून हा कार्यक्रम झाला. या कार्यक्रमाचे जे चित्रीकरण टीव्हीवरून प्रसारित झाले त्यामुळे सगळा देश व्यथित झाला. अफजलबाबत वर उल्लेख केलेल्या घोषणा तर देण्यात आल्याच, त्याशिवाय ‘भारत तेरे तुकडे होंगे, इन्शाल्ला, इन्शाल्ला’, ‘कश्मीर की आजादी’, ‘मोदी तू सुन ले आजादी’, ‘तोगडिया तू सुन ले आजादी’ अशा घोषणा दिल्या गेल्या. घोषणा देणार्‍यांचा आविर्भाव अत्यंत देशविरोधी, उन्मादक होता. या घोषणा देणार्‍यांमध्ये उमर खालिद आणि शेजारीच उभा असलेला कम्युनिस्टांच्या विद्यार्थी संघटनेचा नेता कन्हैया कुमार स्पष्ट दिसतो. दोन दिवसांनी आणखी एक कार्यक्रम या जेएनयूमध्ये झाला. यातही ९ तारखेप्रमाणेच कन्हैया आणि उमर खालिद शेजारीच उभे आहेत. मात्र, घोषणा कन्हैया देतो आहे. या घोषणा मात्र टिपिकल साम्यवादी आहेत. ‘सामंतवाद से आझादी’, ‘मनुवाद से आझादी’, ‘संघवाद से आझादी.’ ९ तारखेचा व्हिडीओ आधी माध्यमांमध्ये आला. तो व्हायरल झाला. त्यावरून पोलिसात गुन्हा दाखल करण्यात आला. उमर खालिद आणि इतर फरार झाले. पोलिस जेएनयूमध्ये गेले. त्यांना घोषणा देणार्‍यांपैकी कन्हैया सापडला. कन्हैया कुमारला अटक करताच देशद्रोह्यांचा निषेध करण्यापेक्षा देशातील तमात हिंदुत्वविरोधक एका सुरात ओरडू लागले. हुकूमशाही, आणिबाणी नाना शिव्याशाप देऊ लागले. जणू कन्हैया कुमार देशासाठी सत्याग्रह करूनच अटक झाला, अशा प्रकारचे वातावरण तयार करण्याचा प्रयत्न सुरू झाला. ११ तारखेचा घोषणा देतानाचा व्हिडीओ जाणीवपूर्वक प्रसारित करण्यात आला. कन्हैया कुमार आझादीच्या घोषणा देत होता, पण काश्मीरच्या आझादीच्या नव्हे तर मनुवादापासून आझादीच्या घोषणा देत होता, असे दर्शविण्याचा प्रयत्न करण्यात आला. इंडिया न्यूज या टीव्ही वाहिनीने हे सगळे व्हिडीओ एकाच वेळी दाखवून त्यातील फोलपणा उघड केला आहे.
आश्‍चर्य म्हणजे राहुल गांधी आणि कॉंग्रेस नेते जेएनयूमध्ये जाऊन, ‘जो आपकी आवाज दबा रहे है, वो लोग देशविरोधी है, असे विधान करून या देशविरोधी घोषणा देणार्‍यांचे समर्थन केले. कन्हैया कुमारवर अन्याय होत असल्याचा कांगावा करत राहिले. हैदराबादला रोहित वेमुला प्रकरणाशी हे प्रकरण जोडून मोदी सरकार देशातील सर्व विद्यार्थ्यांवर संघाचा कार्यक्रम थोपण्याच्या प्रयत्नात आहे, असा आरोप केला. चढ्या आवाजात, आक्रमकपणे हा कांगावा करत मूळ देशद्रोही घोषणांचा विषय त्या गदारोळात बाजुला टाकण्याचा प्रयत्न या लोकांनी केला आहे. काश्मीरच्या आझादीच्या घोषणा देणे हा देशद्रोह नाही काय? अफजलला फाशी देण्याचा निर्णय सर्व स्तरावरच्या न्यायालयात सुनावणी झाल्यानंतर सर्वोच्च न्यायालयाने फाशीची शिक्षा सुनावली होती. त्यानंतर राष्ट्रपतींनी दयेचा अर्ज फेटाळला होता. तो फेटाळण्याच्या निमित्ताने बराच कालापव्यय केला गेला होता. कॉंग्रेसचे सरकार केंद्रात असतानाच अफजलला फाशी दिली गेली होती. आता ‘अफजल हम शरमिंदा हैं, तेरे कातिल जिंदा हैं’ ही घोषणा देणे देशद्रोह नाही? ज्या सरकारने अफजलला फाशी देण्याचा निर्णय अमलात आणला, त्या युपीए सरकारमध्ये कोणताही निर्णय फिरवण्याचा अधिकार असलेले राहुल गांधी आणि त्या मंत्रिमंडळातील पी. चिदंबरम्‌सारखे मंत्री आता अफजलच्या संदर्भातील या घोषणांचे समर्थन करत असतील, तर त्यांच्या या भूमिकेतील फोलपणा लक्षात यायला वेळ लागत नाही. कन्हैया कुमारच्या निमित्ताने मोदी सरकारचा राजकीय विरोध करण्याच्या नादात देशविरोधी कारवाया करणार्‍यांना आपण पाठबळ देत आहोत, याचे भान या लोकांना राहिलेले नाही. त्यामुळे गेल्या दोन दिवसांपूर्वी एक दुर्दैवी चित्र या देशात उभे राहिले. देशविरोधी घोषणा देणारा, अफजलच्या फाशीचा विरोध कसा योग्य आहे ते जाहीरपणे टीव्ही चर्चेत निर्लज्जपणे सांगणारा, पोलिसांना वॉण्टेड असणारा उमर खालिद जेएनयूमध्ये प्रकट झाला. मंगळवारी रात्री तो शरण आला.
याच ९ फेब्रुवारी रोजी सियाचीनमध्ये देशाचे रक्षण अत्यंत प्रतिकूल परिस्थितीत करत असताना हिमस्खलन होऊन त्यात हनुमंतप्पा शहीद झाले. एकाच दिवशी देशात काश्मीरच्या आझादीच्या घोषणा आणि काश्मीरचे रक्षण करताना हौतात्म्य अशा दोन्ही घटना घडल्या. देशातील तरुणाईने काय करायचे? देशाने काय करायचे? कोणाचा आदर्श ठेवायचा? घराघरात अफजल जन्म घेणार की घराघरात हनुमंतप्पा जन्म घेणार?
निव्वळ राजकीय स्वार्थासाठी देशातील विरोधी पक्षातले राहुल गांधी, अरविंद केजरीवाल, कम्युनिस्ट हे सगळे या देशविरोधी घोषणा देणार्‍यांच्या पाठीशी उभे राहिले आहेत. ‘देशविरोधी घोषणांचे समर्थन कोणीही करू शकत नाही’, असे एक वाक्य तोंडाने म्हणायचे आणि त्यापुढे मात्र सगळी कृती, सगळा तर्क या देशविरोधी घोषणा देणार्‍यांना वाचविण्यासाठी खर्च करायचा, असा दुतोंडीपणा ही मंडळी करत आहेत.
या पार्श्‍वभूमीवर हनुमंतप्पा यांना अभिवादन करण्यासाठी सर्वसामान्य माणसांच्या मनातील भावना हनुमंतप्पा आणि इतर शहिदांना अखेरचा निरोप देताना प्रकट झाली ती प्रेरणादायी आहे. देशाच्या सीमेवरचे सैन्य जरी मनगटातील ताकदीने लढत असले तरी, त्या मनगटात ताकद येत असते ती आपल्या पाठीशी आपले देशबांधव आहेत या भावनेने. हनुमंतप्पा यांच्या हौतात्म्याला सलाम करताना देशबांधवांनी आपल्या भावना प्रकट केल्या, तर त्यातूनच सीमेवर प्राणपणाने लढणार्‍या सैनिकांच्या अंगी हजार हत्तींचे बळ संचारणार आहे. हनुमंतप्पा यांना अभिवादन आणि त्यांच्या कुटुंबीयांचा गौरव हा देशविरोधी कारवाया करणार्‍या देशद्रोही लोकांना आणि त्यांचे आडून, लपून समर्थन करणार्‍यांना सर्वसामान्य जनतेचा सज्जड इशाराच आहे! देशातील सर्वसामान्य जनतेचा देशभक्तीचा हुंकारच अशा कार्यक्रमातून सहजपणे प्रकट होत असतो, हे देशविरोधी कारवाया करणार्‍यांनी लक्षात घ्यावे!
हे कसले स्वातंत्र्य?
हे कसले स्वातंत्र्य?
Thursday, February 25th, 2016
घराघरातून छत्रपती शिवराय, सावरकर, नेताजी, भगतसिंग, चापेकर बंधू जन्मास यावेत व हा देश अखंड राहावा हेच आमचे स्वप्न होते. मात्र त्याच देशात आज ‘घराघरातून अफझल गुरू निर्माण होतील’ अशा धमक्या देत देशद्रोह्यांचे पुण्यस्मरण केले जात आहे. हे कसले स्वातंत्र्य? संसदेत याबाबत फक्त चर्चा घडेल व न्यायालयात कायद्याचा कीस निघेल. सत्ताधारी शब्दांचा कीस पाडतील. या देशात दुसरे काय होणार?
हे कसले स्वातंत्र्य?
राष्ट्रपती प्रणव मुखर्जी यांनी सांगितले आहे की, सत्यम, शिवम, सुंदरम म्हणजेच राष्ट्रवाद, पण ते ज्या काँग्रेस पक्षातून आले आहेत त्यांना राष्ट्रवादाची ही व्याख्या मान्य आहे काय? संसदेचे अधिवेशन सुरू होत असताना देशाच्या राष्ट्रपतींनी आपले विचार मांडले आहेत. संसदेत कामकाज व्हावे, चर्चा घडावी, गोंधळ घालण्यासाठी संसद नाही, असेही राष्ट्रपतींनी बजावले असले तरी हे महनीय विचार लक्षात कोण घेतोय? असे सध्याचे चित्र आहे. राष्ट्रपतींनी राहुल गांधी यांची एक शाळा घ्यावी व त्यांना हे सर्व समजावून सांगावे. देशात सध्या ज्या घटना घडत आहेत त्या पाहता राष्ट्रपतींनी मांडलेले विचार चिंतनीय आहेत. जवाहरलाल नेहरू विद्यापीठ आवारातील घटना म्हणजे फक्त ठिणग्या आहेत. देशाच्या पोटात काय खदखद सुरू आहे ते विद्यापीठातील घटनांवरून दिसते. स्वातंत्र्य सैनिक व क्रांतिकारकांचे आपल्यावर उपकार आहेत. त्यांच्या स्वप्नातील देश बनवूया व त्यांचे ऋण फेडूया, असेही राष्ट्रपती महोदयांनी स्पष्ट केले, पण स्वातंत्र्य सैनिकांच्या रक्त व घामातून निर्माण झालेला हा
देश आता कडेलोटाच्या टोकावर
उभा आहे. हिंदुस्थानचे तुकडे तुकडे व्हावेत. कश्मीर, केरळ, आसाम यांसारखी राज्ये हिंदुस्थानपासून स्वतंत्र व्हावीत अशा प्रकारच्या घोषणा देशाच्या राजधानीतील विद्यापीठात दिल्या जातात. ज्याने देशाच्या संसदेवर हल्ला केला व त्या देशद्रोहाच्या गुन्ह्याखाली सर्वोच्च न्यायालयाने ज्याला फासावर लटकवले त्या अफझल गुरूची ‘पुण्यतिथी’ साजरी होते व घराघरातून अफझल गुरू निर्माण होतील अशा धमक्या उघड उघड दिल्या जातात, हे काही चांगल्या कायदा-सुव्यवस्थेचे व सर्व काही आलबेल असल्याचे लक्षण नाही. चार-पाच जणांचे एक टोळके विद्यापीठाच्या आवारात उंडारत दिल्ली पोलिसांची खिल्ली उडवते, कायदा-सुव्यवस्थेला आव्हान देते व पोलीस विद्यापीठाच्या दारात हाताची घडी घालून आदेशाची वाट पाहत उभे राहतात. विद्यापीठे ही स्वायत्त असल्याचे सांगून पोलीस आत जात नाहीत ही पळवाट आहे, डरपोकपणा आहे. विद्यापीठे जर देशद्रोहाचे अड्डे बनली आहेत तर आग लावा तुमच्या त्या स्वायत्ततेला आणि स्वातंत्र्याला! आत घुसून या टोळक्यास फरफटत बाहेर काढले असते तर देशाने तुमची पाठ थोपटली असती. जवान सीमेवर छातीवर गोळ्या झेलतात व इकडे स्वायत्ततेच्या नावाखाली देशद्रोही टोळक्यास पकडता येत नाही हे असले स्वातंत्र्य आम्हाला नको. कन्हैया व उमर खालीदचे
जे काय व्हायचे ते कायद्याने
होईल. कोण खरे बोलते व कोण बनाव करते ते न्यायालयासमोरच ठरू द्या, पण जवाहरलाल नेहरू विद्यापीठात अनेकांची पोल खोलली आहे. आमचे पोलीस, आमचे सीबीआय, आमचे लष्कर सुवर्ण मंदिरात घुसू शकते, पण दिल्लीतील विद्यापीठ आवारात घुसून देश तोडण्याचे कारस्थान करणार्‍यांना पकडू शकत नाही. आमचे पोलीस व सीबीआय मुख्यमंत्र्यांच्या कार्यालयात व घरात घुसू शकतात. आमचे पोलीस केंद्रीय मंत्री, खासदार, आमदारांच्या घरात घुसून त्यांना अपमानित करू शकतात, त्यांना अटक करून तुरुंगात पाठवू शकतात आणि त्याबद्दल स्वत:ची पाठही थोपटून घेऊ शकतात, पण दिल्लीतील जवाहरलाल नेहरू विद्यापीठात अफझल गुरूचे ‘पापस्मरण’ करणार्‍यांना, देश तोडण्याची भाषा करणार्‍यांना अटक करताना त्यांना विद्यापीठाच्या स्वायत्ततेची आठवण होते. घराघरातून छत्रपती शिवराय, सावरकर, नेताजी, भगतसिंग, चापेकर बंधू जन्मास यावेत व हा देश अखंड राहावा हेच आमचे स्वप्न होते. मात्र त्याच देशात आज ‘घराघरातून अफझल गुरू निर्माण होतील’ अशा धमक्या देत देशद्रोह्यांचे पुण्यस्मरण केले जात आहे. हे कसले स्वातंत्र्य? संसदेत याबाबत फक्त चर्चा घडेल व न्यायालयात कायद्याचा कीस निघेल. सत्ताधारी शब्दांचा कीस पाडतील. या देशात दुसरे काय होणार?
- See more at: http://www.saamana.com/sampadkiya/he-kasle-swatantrya#sthash.psQAmHmu.dpuf
JNU Needs Correction By Dr. Balakrishnan
Friends. Please use your time & read the following articles on JNU. If you ignore them, tomorrow may be too late. What kind INDIA you are leaving for your children?
JNU Needs Correction By Dr. Balakrishnan
The Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) controversy has stirred the nation's conscience. Indians are, by now, quite used to the regular provocation by Kashmiri terrorists shouting anti-India slogans in Srinagar. But when such slogans rang in the heart of Delhi, at an institution considered as one of the premier universities in the country, Indians sat up and took notice. And when the videos of Kanhaiya Kumar and Umar Khalid jointly shouting these slogans came into the public domain, public anger turned completely against the students.
Teachers of the university, in private conversations, are applauding the government action. The hashtag #ShutdownJNU has caught up, with even JNU teachers, past and present, voting in agreement.
A professor who retired recently said, "Admissions are given only to cardholders. The entrance exam is an eyewash." This is how they have converted this institution into an extreme Left centre, she said, adding that this has been especially true in the last two decades.
Another person, whose brother had taught at the university for 40 years said, "My brother said by the time he retired, he had started disliking the university. Because it was no longer academic and there was no spark of intelligence or eagerness." Another professor, Amita Singh, said on TV that these students had terrorised the campus, and several complaints had been made against them in the past.
What has riled the public further are the statistics that are being shared through WhatsApp messages and Youtube postings. A video uploaded by one Ravi J Singh on the JNU has gone viral, receiving nearly 250,000 hits and left the listeners gasping in disbelief.
And this is what he begins his post with. Hostel and mess fee: Rs 20 month. College fee for BA and MA programmes: Rs 400 a year. Medical facilities for Rs 16. Sports fee: Rs 16. The statistics come tumbling. The government of India gives a grant of Rs 256 crore a year to the JNU, working out to an average subsidy of Rs three lakh per student. And once they secure admission, the students stay on and on, "Pursuing Studies".
It is not as though the JNU has suddenly turned extreme Left and violent. Way back in 1989 when the Tiananmen Square massacre happened, a student of the JNU was in Beijing and was eyewitness to the crackdown by the Chinese army. She contacted me. I was working in 'Malayala Manorama' then. She gave her version of events, as she watched from the window of her hostel room. The report was published in the newspaper the next day. When she returned to India and her hostel a few days later, she was harassed by the communist union leaders, driven out of her room at night and forced to apologise before she could come back to the campus.
The JNU student leaders have always blocked any leader other than the leftists from addressing seminars or even delivering lectures. Dr Murli Manohar Joshi as HRD minister was among the few who "dared" to go the university. And his meeting was disrupted and protested by students.
The latest instance of hosting a memorial meet for Parliament attack convict Afzal Guru is not new either. I have in my possession a compilation of 100-odd posters notifying meetings on Kashmir, all anti-India. When Naxalites gunned down 73 CRPF personnel, there was celebration at the JNU campus.
When Indian soldiers died in Kashmir, there were victory marches. Students like Kanhaiya and leaders like CPI(M) general secretary Sitaram Yechury and D Raja of the CPI cannot distance themselves from these anti-national elements as Kanhaiya was seen standing with Umar Khalid and raising the slogans against India.
The legal luminaries and the chatterati club of Delhi are splitting their hair on what constitutes sedition. Soli Sorabjee, one of the most respected figures in the legal world, has said Kanhaiya's sloganeering did not amount to sedition.
Fali Nariman, another towering legal luminary wrote against the government action. In legal parlance, he may be right. He may even secure the bail and release of Kanhaiya in the case. But what Sorabjee is overlooking is the fact that Nationalism is not a legal point. It is the Spirit of the Nation.
If a student, born and brought up in a remote village in Bihar is today the students' leader at a premier university in the country, it speaks of the nation's system that facilitated him to reach where he did. And when his study is being subsidised to an extent of Rs 9 lakh in three years, by the taxpaying public, the same section has a right to ask questions and get offended. It is the rights of the taxpaying public that Sorabjee should defend. Not Kanhaiya's.
The entire debate kicked off around what happened in JNU on February 9, when a section of the students demanded "Azadi" or freedom for Kashmir, Punjab and Kerala. But, in order to defend Kanhaiya and his group and obfuscate the issue, a section of the media and the "limousine leftists" have released videos that has his speech of February 10 and 11, after the public outburst.
Social media, however, moved faster to articulate the public anger. The "defenders of Kanhaiya" have been repeating the names of JNU alumni, including a cabinet minister to buttress the greatness of the university. But the sad truth is that, despite so much state support, it does not rank among the top 200 universities in the world.
Recently, the university introduced the system of checking research thesis for plagiarism after several cases of cheating came up. This was resisted severely by the faculty and students. However, the checking has revealed the poor quality of work, as several of them failed in the plagiarism test.
In long-term, this round of ruckus may do more good to the JNU than we can see now. With media glare and demand for public audit, the academicians and students of the university have an opportunity to put things straight
On JNU matter- Just a couple of Questions for NDTV,
1. Apparently Kanahiya is 28 yrs old. Even a Phd program or medicine gets done by 28 yrs. Wonder what course he is doing which is never ending.
2. Students coming from middle class families get down to working by 25 or latest by 28 yrs. This guy comes from such a poor background wonder how he can afford it.
3. Now he hires the country best lawyers to defend him, wonder who is footing the bill and why ?
4. Most of these so called students register is universities to avail subsides hostel stay & subsides canteen food. Why should our tax money be used for such students who occupy the hostel permanently that deserving students have to look for PG accommodations. Why the tax payer be burdened with tax for these politically ambitious students. Let the respective political party fund their fun.
5. He went for a 3 months rally for Bihar election. Wonder what happens to class and attendance.
6. Please realise these are not students. They are politicians in the making then let them fight it out. Why is India being punished by their rubbish news on TV & newspaper. Only for TRP. And NDTV is no different.
7. All they want is to destabilise the growth story in vested political interest of the opposition.
8. They are not innocent students in any stretch of imagination. Nor are the genuine. Thanks to Kejariwal now India is able to realise the real motive of people.
Kej ariwal fooled Indians to march for India against corruption just to fulfil his political dream. We will not be fooled again
REFORM JNU
Right time to put Jawaharlal Nehru University on the path of reforms: Prafulla Ketkar, editor of Organiser
Prafulla Ketkar, editor of Organiser, a journal affiliated with the RSS, feels this is the time to put Jawaharlal Nehru University on the path of reforms, and make it accommodating to nationalist voices, which he feels the institute has ignored. In an interview with ET, JNU alumnus Ketkar says the university is stuck in the cold war mindset. Edited excerpts:
Do you feel the present crisis at JNU is tarnishing the image of the university?
Prafulla Ketkar: I don't think the University's entire name is being tarnished. This is the right time to bring course correction at JNU, which has been witnessing events on nation breaking campus politics. I see this as a possibility of taking JNU on a reform road. The campus has space for Yasin Malik, Geelani and Afzal Guru supporters, but not for nationalists, which needs to change. If JNU is really the symbol of liberal politics, then why in 2003 were there protests during the felicitation of family members of those killed in the Parliament attack. The same university thinks it is okay to organise protests in support of those involved in the attack. There has never been space in the university for voices of people like Swami Ramdev or Ashok Singhal. These double standards on freedom of expression has to be corrected. The university's students oppose speeches of Americans on campus by calling them "imperial agents", but accept projects by American universities.
How could JNU retain its so-called Left and ultra-Left character despite overall decline of the communist is the real question which we need to ask. If JNU is to be saved, then it should be from academic lobbying and grading on ideological basis. It should be saved from the tendencies that take cover of the democratic and Constitutional rights while subverting the same through their political actions. Ideological and academic support to anti-national forces for political considerations is the real threat to JNU.
But do you think the methods used by Delhi Police for the crackdown is right?
Prafulla Ketkar: One has to understand the basic character -the DNA of JNU, which is inherently 'Red'. I am not sure how raids and arrests of some antinationals will change it. In 1996, the main culprit in the Hawala case, Shahabuddin Ghouri, was also arrested from the campus. There is definitely a need to study the issues of socalled academic autonomy in JNU on objective parameters. On the one hand, you believe in freedom of speech in the Constitution, but you also allow events that denigrate the country, oppose the judgement by the highest judicial body in the country. Professor Geelani getting arrested is not a coincidence. What we need is an impartial probe into the incident, including into the so-called anti-national activities of the organisation. Students' politics needs to be constructive, not divisive and destructive, and it cannot be guided by political interference.
Like any other student, I am also proud of my alma-mater, but it has to be saved from the tendencies that are antithetical to the nation that is supporting the institution through taxpayers money.
Why do you say the university has little space for different, dissenting voices?
Prafulla Ketkar: The voices speaking for freedom of speech campaign did not allow nationalist voices to even speak on the campus. For a long time it was Left versus non-Left, as any other political affiliation was a taboo. The establishment of a Sanskrit study centre had to wait for more than 30 years, that is also with opposition from within. You can study Urdu, Arabic and Persian from undergraduate level, all other foreign languages can be studied, but Sanskrit was neglected, which shows the mind-set. Even after the establishment, many publications in Sanskrit are delayed due to lack of funds in the last 10 years. No Israeli, no Baba Ramdev is allowed to speak on campus. Terrorists and separatists can have freedom of expression, but nationalist don't. There was no ABVP or NSUI in JNU for many years only because the Left could not take it.
People had to organise themselves as freethinkers then. The university has had little space for different voices.
What are the changes that you would suggest in the administrative reforms for JNU?
Prafulla Ketkar: JNU is stuck in the cold war mindset. There are multiple administrative layers. New students find it difficult to deal with the phenomenon and get trapped in the hands of students union and established political organisations to find a way. There is an imbalance in academic centres. School of Social Sciences, with largest number of students, gets more attention, but School of International Studies or biotechnology, with more original research and patents hardly gets incentives. Russian studies was still the biggest centre there, at least when I was studying there, and it had very few students and several teachers. Someone has to look at all this seriously. Now with the changing times, other studies like Southeast Asia and East Asia should get more attention. To begin with, the undergraduates in the campus could be moved out to a campus away from post graduates and researchers, as they are not mature enough to cope up with the socalled "liberal" atmosphere of the institution.
"Whenever there is violence, there is at least someone from school of languages. Because these are students who come directly from intermediate school. Are they mature enough to be there in such an open, liberal environment
Tuesday, 23 February 2016
PAK ARMY ACTIVATES NEW FRONTS IN INDIA LONG BUT WORTH READING
Pak GHQ activates new front in India
By MADHAV NALAPAT | NEW DELHI | 21 February, 2016
General Raheel Sharif.
Accompanying terror strikes will be ‘death by a thousand revolts’.
There has been widespread national attention at the manner in which a small group called for the breakup and even the Wahhabisation of India on 9 February at the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. They did this repeatedly, without obvious objection from the much larger number of attendees during the event. However, the impact of such cries on public opinion, reminiscent as they were of the frenzied and ultimately successful cries for the partition of India in the 1930s, was lost afterwards by hooliganism indulged in by hyper-patriots. However, the 9 February JNU event, soon followed by a similar do at Jadavpur University in Kolkata is worrying senior officials battling radicalism and terrorism worldwide, who fear that such calls on campuses for the vivisection of India may spread.
The source of their worry is contained in information detailed by a group of sources within Pakistan, who reveal that the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) unit of the Pakistan military has, since November 2014, begun to implement a plan designed to activate a “non-terror” front in India, in addition to the long-running terror front. This second front is expected by GHQ Rawalpindi to have a destructive effect on public morale and the ability of the governance system to take decisive action against the terror front and its affiliates—the hawala and narcotics industry, which has been growing unhindered in India since the United Front government took over from the Congress Party in 1996 and oversaw the introduction of policy measures designed to boost domestic opium production, as well as encourage the manufacture of chemicals designed to process narcotics, especially in states bordering Pakistan.
Once the economic liberalisation carried out by P.V. Narasimha Rao in the1990s gave promise of faster growth in India, among GHQ Rawalpindi’s core objectives in this country has been a meltdown of economic and societal vitality. This economy-focused strategy got accelerated in early 2003, when it became obvious that Pakistan-directed terror attacks by themselves were not sufficient to bring India to a state of insecurity and lack of confidence sufficient to prevent an adequate response to the ISI’s covert terror mission in India. Hence, followed repeated attacks on major metropolitan centres, as well as efforts to assassinate scientists, who are a key element in the wide “Knowledge Gap” between India and Pakistan. GHQ Rawalpindi has been particularly disconcerted by the increasing warmth between Washington and Delhi, especially the two militaries. GHQ Rawalpindi watched with dismay as Manmohan Singh began to change the parameters of engagement with Washington after the 2005 nuclear understanding with President George W. Bush.
There has been a sharp acceleration of the ISI policy of “death to India by a thousand revolts” since Narendra Modi became the prospective Prime Minister by mid-2013. Once he took charge as PM in May 2014, the new PM gave promise of ushering in a period of 21st-century reform of the governance structure, which would hopefully raise to double digits the “natural” rate of growth of the country from the historical level of 2%. This may otherwise be termed the Nehru Rate of Growth in honour of the Prime Minister whose policies made such a situation inevitable. Soon afterwards, the concept of a non-terror “second front” against India was developed within GHQ and communicated to the ISI for implementation through its proxies and dupes in India.
Sources within Pakistan reveal that the budget for the “second front” was “expanded five times” during 2013-15 by General Raheel Sharif. The aim was to “deepen the demonisation of Narendra Modi abroad and in the big cities of India”, both locations crucial to increasing India’s rate of growth to double digits. According to those who have worked with General Sharif, the all-powerful and hugely popular Chief of Army Staff (COAS) in Pakistan is “determined to ensure that the global India story gets derailed in the era of Modi”. Keeping alive international perceptions that India and Pakistan were a trigger away from nuclear war is seen by GHQ as important in discouraging investment within India and into India. Hence, there has been a particular focus on actions designed to derail India-Pakistan dialogue and instead promote tension through terror attacks by ISI proxies. “To befool (sic) Obama, General Sharif regularly speaks of peace and good relations with India. However, his true intent gets communicated to his staff, who are told to work on plans for strengthening the covert First (terror) and Second (popular unrest and revolt) fronts.”
In a bid to derail dialogue, in Arnia, in 2014, on the anniversary of 26/11 (the Mumbai terror attacks), a terror attack took place at an Army camp. Not coincidentally, both the Prime Ministers of India and Pakistan were in Kathmandu at the time, looking towards overcoming the stoppage of Foreign Secretary-level talks announced by India in August 2014.
Rawalpindi GHQ, according to well-informed sources, is “very concerned at the rise in public support within Pakistan for peace with India, even if this means freezing the Kashmir dispute by both sides”. Public support within the tortured country for the hugely expensive (relative to Gross National Product) Pakistan military hinges on an inflating of the “India threat”, an objective helped by periodic breakdowns of communication and rise in border tensions between Delhi and Islamabad. In an effort at derailing dialogue, three more attacks occurred in succession by terrorists trained in Peshawar and Muzaffarabad. These took place on Army camps in India, on 5 December 2014 near Uri, on 20 March 2015 at Samba (which hit police installations as well) and 27 May 2015 in Tangdhar, just a day after the first anniversary of the Modi government.
However, neither Prime Minister Modi nor National Security Advisor Ajit Doval (who is reputed to be as close to the PM as BJP president Amit Shah and Finance Minister Arun Jaitley) fell into the GHQ trap by cutting off avenues for dialogue with the civilian establishment in Pakistan led by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, “who knows that peace with India is essential for the growth and stability of Pakistan, but who has got no support from the international community for ensuring civil dominance over the military in Pakistan”, a source based in Karachi said.
Defying predictions that dialogue at such a level was stalled if not totally derailed by the terror attacks, both Nawaz Sharif and Modi met at Ufa in Russia on 10 July 2015 to the chagrin of the ISI, which was “pulled up” by GHQ for not doing enough to foul the atmosphere within both India and Pakistan for talks with each other. In order to goad India into precipitate action, such as would make Delhi look the aggressor rather than Rawalpindi, another ISI-linked terror attack got carried out on 27 July 2015 at Dina Nagar and another on 6 August on a BSF convoy in Udhampur. That same year, on the anniversary of 26/11, three terrorists fired on a Gorkha Rifles camp in Kupwara district, although their attempt to set on fire the oil depot was foiled by prompt action by the Gorkhas.
Sources say that Prime Minister Modi has been getting detailed real time information from multiple sources about the goings-on in GHQ Rawalpindi and the intentions of General Sharif and his top advisors. Hence, despite pressure from those eager for a cutting off of contact between this country and Pakistan, the PM refused to be provoked. “Modi Sahab (sic) knows that decisive action against Pakistan needs coordinated action by India and the US”, hopefully with China adopting a neutral stance in its own interest. This can be assured “only after it becomes obvious that India has gone the extra mile to preserve peace, but has repeatedly been rebuffed by the Pakistan military through its proxies”. Hence the focus on diplomacy. To the dismay of the ISI, PM Modi met his counterpart Nawaz Sharif at Paris during the climate summit. This brief but intense interaction resulted in the NSAs of the two countries meeting at Bangkok on 6 December 2015 and working the modalities for External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj to visit Pakistan on 8 December, ostensibly to attend the “Heart of Asia” security dialogue. This was followed by the unprecedented visit by Modi to Lahore on 25 December, Christmas Day, where the personal chemistry and bonhomie between him and Sharif was on display to the world. GHQ was not slow to react, igniting the Pathankot attack on 2 January 2016, which, fortunately, did not result in the mass casualties which had been planned for the operation by specially-selected “shock elements” of the terror groups nurtured by the ISI. However, even this attack did not result in the collapse of Prime Minister Modi’s innovative diplomacy towards the civilian leadership of Pakistan, nor goad him into copying the verbal aggression, which is a staple of television talk shows on both sides of the border.
Sources close to GHQ say that the failure to derail the India-Pakistan peace process resulted in an “intensification of the strategy of promoting unrest in India through agitations and violence directed against the security arms of the state”. The banking, railways and road transport industries are a particular focus of this campaign, and sources cognisant of the field situation say that the ISI is working to ensure that “soon after the Union Budget (for 2016-17) gets passed, strikes, go-slows and uncontrollable unrest will break out” in India, thereby damaging economic prospects.
Since 2005, these sources claim that the ISI has been able to recruit across India over 16,000 (sixteen thousand) “volunteers and auxiliaries” (with the latter being unaware of the actual affiliation of the group they belong to). They add that “more than 80% of the new recruits are sleepers”, those who as yet have not participated in any covert activity and hence are under the police radar. Interestingly, according to these sources, such recruits belong “not only to Muslim organisations. Many are from the Sikh, Hindu and other communities, and are distributed across various professions and strata of society.” “Both the hawala networks, especially in the border states, and the narcotics industry work closely with the ISI to provide logistical support and protection for this expanding ‘non-terrorist’ network of the ISI.” A particular infowar focus “is to discredit those who point to the danger of GHQ intervention in the economics, sociology and politics of India as alarmist and paranoidal”, a ploy which seems to be working, judging by the number of those in the commentariat who refuse to accept that the country is facing a mortal threat from the Pakistan military, not just through non-conventional war but through other means.
The ISI has been getting help from individuals in foreign countries to paint a dismal picture of India, “many of whom are well-meaning and who do not realise that they are being manipulated in the name of women’s rights, child rights and minority freedoms by a Wahhabi organisation, whose core objective is the meltdown of the Indian state, thereby creating a vacuum which can be filled with radicals and result in chaos in a manner similar to what has happened in other countries where there has been a collapse of the governance mechanism”. Interestingly, they point out that several such meltdowns in governance and social cohesion in countries targeted by rival powers have been initiated by protest movements across college campuses that soon engulfed the streets.
The 9 February 2016 rally in JNU appears to have been infiltrated by elements of the “non-terror” front of the ISI. However, it would be incorrect to state that the students’ union in the university knew of such a move, “as these take place covertly and under false flags”. Security experts fault the Delhi police for “using an AK 47 rather than a sniper rifle”, or in other words, widening the net of arrests and police action too broadly rather than zeroing in on the handful who have links with the ISI and its affiliates or dupes.
Why were pro-separatist slogans relating to the terror campaign in Kashmir raised in the JNU and Jadavpur rallies? Why are such slogans getting repeated across several parts of India? According to sources within Pakistan, “the ISI is alarmed at the diminishing confidence even within Wahhabi segments in Kashmir of the prospect of separation from the Union of India”. “The ISI wishes to boost the confidence of pro-Pakistan elements in Kashmir (whom they wish to recruit in terror gangs that would be active across India). They try and do this by demonstrating that significant sections of the population in other parts of India support their struggle, and hence they ought not to give up.” Either by design or by coincidence, well-organised albeit theatrical shouts of “azaadi” by a few indoctrinated individuals were heard during the 9 February rally at JNU, which was attended without obvious protest at such slogans by some office-bearers of the JNU Students’ Union.
Contrary to selected media reports, it is extremely unlikely that any of the office-bearers of the students’ union at JNU are in sync with the slogans raised by pro-Pakistan elements on 9 February. Hence, security experts spoken to say that the arrest of JNUSU president Kanhaiya Kumar was a “gross error”. They say the move “had the effect of uniting the students”, as well as shifting the spotlight from the 1930s Partition of India-style slogans raised by a handful of motivated protestors at the rally to the clumsy tactics of the Delhi police. Although the authorities were justified in their alarm at what took place in the rally held in JNU (and in Jadavpur), the steamroller action taken by the Delhi police may have the effect of driving such groups underground, where they will be more difficult to uncover and eliminate. In the JNU situation, it may have been preferable for the police to “wait and watch” till more Pakistan-oriented elements emerged into the sunlight—investigating them quietly and later on, arresting them singly in subsequent days—rather than acting “prematurely and indiscriminately”, thereby netting not the required core elements, but relative innocents who were simply caught up in the excitement of the rally. It will take painstaking investigation into the call and visit records of the ringleaders of the 9 February rally at JNU before the unseen handlers of the youths responsible for seditious sloganeering and partition-oriented indoctrination get identified.
GHQ Rawalpindi has opened a second front in India that is in some respects even deadlier than the terror operations conducted by the organisation. These are the “non-terror” groups recruited and motivated by them to stage uprisings designed to damage the potency of the governance mechanism in India, and with that, any expectation of the high growth promised by Narendra Modi while on the campaign trail in 2013-14. A strategy designed to deal with the “Terror Wing” (ISI-TW) of the ISI may not be effective against the “Non-Terror Wing” (ISI-NTW). Unless better methods get worked out and put into operation, what is taking place may be the start of a protracted “non-terror” campaign waged on different platforms by the ISI across India through its agents, dupes and dummies, even as GHQ ensures an acceleration in terror strikes, as well as unrest in key economic sectors within the country to derail both economic prospects and an India-Pakistan detente.
Battling such a twin strategy, implemented through a network that now has considerable depth and sophistication within India, requires scrutiny also of seeming hyper-patriots, such as those who indulged in hooliganism against the media. Are any of such individuals financially or socially linked to narcotics and hawala networks in Rajasthan and Punjab? It needs to be remembered that GHQ, through the ISI, seeds sleepers in both the ruling as well as opposition parties, fortified by the financial, political, official and logistics backing of the multi-billion dollar hawala and narcotics lobby in India. Those hooligan elements seen across television screens in India and abroad beating up JNU students, no matter what their affiliation, significantly assisted the ISI in its campaign against India, exactly as those few calling for a second partition of India did on campu
I suspect that Pakistan has also got its assets in the Indian media too. Narendra Modi may have strategically chosen not to challenge them at this point. IME TO INTERROGATE BARKHA DUTT, NIDHI RAZDAN , RAJDEEP SARDESAI , VINOD SHARMA OF HINDUSTAN TIMES . THEY CERTAINLY APPEAR TO BE PAKISTAN APOLOGISTS.T he way JNU affair is being blown up as " crisis" , GHQ may be succeeding.It may also be due to willing accomplices that we have within our fold.AAP, Congresss and Communists in their anxiety to embarras Modi govt may be playing in to the hands of these anti India forces.
Reports emerged shows this Umar Khalid has travelled to Pakistan, in recent times made over 800 calls to various leaders in Universities and to his separatists in JnK. Delhi Police kept an eye on JNU, sent a report in last Nov about separatists elements in JNU supported by some Jeehadi professors. It also suggested measures like CCTV surva eilance, as they felt narco trade is run by these gangs to self finance their Jeehadi campaign in Universities. Gov scouted for a able man to lead JNU n appointed new VC. However this pre planned event gone off the wisdom of new VC too as he succumbed to Jeehadi dominated JNUTA which condoned such protests in last 3years. JNU Jeehadi sloganeers has given Gov, an opportunity on platter to fully cleanse the premium institute and restore its glory. Its a long hard way but most urgent requirement.
Monday, 22 February 2016
असे किती वीरपुत्र हुतात्मा होणार?कॅप्टन तुषार महाजन यांचे वडील देवराज यांनी 'या मुलांचं होतात्म्य व्यर्थ जाऊ देऊ नका', असं कळकळीचं आवाहन
असे किती वीरपुत्र हुतात्मा होणार?
Feb 22, 2016, 06.15 PM IST
अशा आणखी किती वीरपुत्रांना हौतात्म्य पत्करावं लागणार आहे? आपल्या राजकारण्यांना वास्तवाचं भान होणार की नाही? सध्याची जी स्थिती आहे ती सुधारण्यासाठी आपण योग्य ती पावले उचलणार आहोत की नाही?, अशा प्रश्नांच्या फैरी झाडत शहीद कॅप्टन तुषार महाजन यांचे वडील देवराज यांनी 'या मुलांचं होतात्म्य व्यर्थ जाऊ देऊ नका', असं कळकळीचं आवाहन आज केलं.
जम्मू-काश्मीरमधील पाम्पोर येथे दहशतवाद्यांशी लढताना कॅप्टन तुषार महाजन यांना रविवारी वीरमरण आलं. आज लष्कराच्या उधमपूर येथील मुख्यालयात तुषार यांचं पार्थिव आणलं असता त्यांच्या आईला दु:खावेग आवरता आला नाही. त्या अक्षरश: कोसळल्या आणि काही काळ त्यांची शुद्धच हरवली. या प्रसंगाला मोठ्या धीराने सामोरे जात तुषार यांचे वडील देवराज यांनी त्या माऊलीला सावरण्याचा प्रयत्न केला. यावेळी डबडबलेल्या डोळ्यांनीच देवराज यांनी आपल्या भावनांना वाट मोकळी करून दिली. एकीकडे त्यांना आपला मुलगा देशसेवेसाठी गमावल्याचा सार्थ अभिमान वाटत होता तर दुसरीकडे निर्ढावलेल्या राजकारण्यांविषयी त्यांच्या डोळ्यात संतापही झळकत होता.
देवराज हे निवृत्त मुख्याध्यापक आहेत. आपल्या मुलाचं हौताम्य व्यर्थ ठरू नये, एवढीच त्यांची अपेक्षा आहे. त्या कळकळीतूनच त्यांनी राजकारण्यांनी आता तरी धडा घ्यावा, असं आवाहन केलं आहे. देवरात म्हणतात, पाम्पोर येथील चकमकीत कॅप्टन पवन कुमार शहीद झाल्याची बातमी रविवारी सकाळी कानावर पडली आणि संपूर्ण दिवस मी अस्वस्थ होतो. अशी आणखी किती मुलं शहीद होणार आहेत?, हा एकच प्रश्न मनाशी सतावत होता. तोपर्यंत आपला मुलगा तुषार हाही त्याच ऑपरेशनमध्ये सहभागी आहे याची जराही कुणकुण आपणास नव्हती आणि नंतर तुषार शहीद झाल्याचं वृत्त थडकलं आणि पार हादरूनच गेलो. माझा लाडका मुलगा गमावल्याचं दु:ख होतंच पण स्वत:ला सावरलं.
'माझा मुलगा देशासाठी लढताना शहीद झाला आहे आणि त्याचा मला अभिमान आहे. हे भाग्य सर्वांनाच मिळत नाही. माझ्या मुलाने लहानपणापासूनच लष्करात जाण्याचं स्वप्न बाळगलं होतं. तो स्वत:हून त्यासाठी धडपडत होता. देशासाठी काहीतरी करावं, ही त्याची जिद्द होती. त्यामुळे मीही त्यात कधी आडकाठी आणली नाही. वयाच्या सोळाव्या वर्षीच त्याचं एनडीएमध्ये निवड झाली होती', असेही देवराज यांनी सांगितले.
दहशतवाद्यांना मारण्याचं त्याचं स्वप्नचं होतं!
लष्करात जायचं आणि दहशतवाद्यांना मारायचं हे तुषारचं बालपणापासूनचं स्वप्न होतं, असं त्यांचा वर्गमित्र सुशांत याने सांगितले. तो म्हणाला, जेव्हा आम्ही खेळण्यामध्ये दंग असायचो तेव्हा तुषार मात्र लष्करात जाण्याची स्वप्नं रंगवायचा. एवढंच काय शाळेत निबंध लिहिण्यास सांगितलं तेव्हाही त्याने याच विषयावर निबंध लिहिला. लष्करात जाऊन दहशतवाद्यांना मारायचं आहे, अशी इच्छा त्याने निबंधाच्या माध्यमातून तेव्हाच व्यक्त केली होती, असे सुशांतने पुढे नमूद केले
कन्हैया आणि कण्णूर दोघेही आपलेच-कण्णूर येथे २७ वर्षीय सुजीतची त्याच्या वृद्ध आई-वडिलांसमोरच अतिशय बेदम मारहाण करून क्रूर हत्या करण्यात आली-या भयानक घटनेची देशातील माध्यमांनी दखल घेतली नाही
कन्हैया आणि कण्णूर दोघेही आपलेच
जवाहरलाल नेहरू विद्यापीठातील विद्यार्थी संघटनेचा अध्यक्ष कन्हैया कुमारला अटक झाल्याबरोबर देशातील मीडियाने एका आवाजात हल्लाबोल केला आणि आज मीडियाच्या निगराणीखालीच जणू कन्हैयाची चौकशी सुरू आहे. अगदी याला समांतर अशी घटना केरळच्या कण्णूर जिल्ह्यात घडली. कण्णूर येथे रा. स्व. संघाचा २७ वर्षीय स्वयंसेवक सुजीतची त्याच्या वृद्ध आई-वडिलांसमोरच अतिशय बेदम मारहाण करून क्रूर हत्या करण्यात आली. वृद्ध आई-वडिलांचा आधार असलेल्या सुजीतला त्यांच्या डोळ्यांदेखत ठार करण्यात आले. मात्र, या भयानक घटनेची देशातील माध्यमांनी दखल घेतली नाही. एवढेच नव्हे, तर एक साधारण स्वरूपाची स्थानिक घटना असाच मीडियाचा त्याकडे पाहण्याचा दृष्टिकोन होता.
कन्हैया कुमार आणि कण्णूरचा सुजीत दोघेही आमचेेच आपले आहेत. एकाची चौकशी सुरू आहे आणि जोपर्यंत तपासाचा अहवाल येत नाही तोपर्यंत आम्हाला कन्हैया कुमारच्या ‘मी देशभक्त आहे, भारतीय राज्यघटनेवर माझा पूर्ण विश्‍वास आहे’ या वक्तव्यावर संशय घेण्याचे कोणतेही कारण नाही. तो सीपीआयच्या विद्यार्थी संघटनेचा सदस्य आहे. जर चौकशीत तो निर्दोष सिद्ध झाला, तर त्याची निष्कलंक सुटका होईलच, जसे पठाणकोटचे पोलिस अधीक्षक सलविंदरसिंह तपासाअंती निर्दोष सिद्ध झाले होते. तोपर्यंत कन्हैयाकुमारला संपूर्ण संरक्षण मिळावे आणि त्याची योग्य ती काळजी घेण्यात यावी, हीच आम्हा सर्वांची इच्छा आहे. या प्रकरणात जी मारहाण झाली आणि पत्रकारांशी गैरवर्तणूक करण्यात आली, तो प्रकार मात्र कुठल्याही परिस्थितीत मान्य करता येणार नाही आणि त्याची निंदा झालीच पाहिजे. मात्र, या प्रकरणातील दोषींना शिक्षा मिळालीच पाहिजे.
कन्हैया कुमारला विशिष्ट विचारसरणीच्या लोकांनी, तसेच सेक्युलर पत्रकार, साहित्यिक आणि संपादकांनी उघडउघड पाठिंबा दर्शविला आहे आणि ही मंडळी त्यासाठी रस्त्यावर उतरली आहेत. अजूनही तपास सुरू आहे आणि न्यायमूर्तींनी २ मार्चपर्यंत न्यायालयीन कोठडीत ठेवण्याचा आदेश दिला आहे. काहीतरी कारण असल्यामुळेच कोठडीत ठेवण्याचा आदेश देण्यात आला आहे. जोपर्यंत तपास पूर्ण होऊन वस्तुस्थिती स्पष्ट होत नाही तोपर्यंत कन्हैया कुमारला निर्दोषच मानले जाईल आणि आम्हालाही असेच मानले पाहिजे. आता राहता राहिला मुद्दा तो म्हणजे विद्यापीठात पोलिसांनी प्रवेश करण्याचा. त्याबाबतीत माझे मत असे की कुठल्याही कॅम्पसमध्ये पोलिसांनी जायला नको आणि विद्यार्थ्यांशी संबंधित प्रकरण महाविद्यालय व विद्यापीठाच्या प्रशासनानेच सोडविले पाहिजे. मात्र, जेव्हा विषय विद्यार्थी, शिक्षक, शिक्षण आणि परीक्षा याची सीमा ओलांडून अराष्ट्रीय आणि देशद्रोही चळवळींचा असेल विद्यापीठासमोर देशाच्या तपास संस्थांकडे तो विषय अथवा प्रकरण सोपविण्याशिवाय आणखी दुसरा कुठला मार्ग तरी शिल्लक राहातो काय? मात्र, पोलिस, न्यायपालिका आणि प्रशासनावर अविश्‍वास व्यक्त करून तपास कुठे आणि कोणी करावा हे देखील आता राजकीय पक्षांच्या विद्यार्थी संघटनांनीच ठरवायचे काय?
मात्र, कण्णूरचा राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघाचा स्वयंसेवक सुजीतची कुठल्याही राष्ट्रीय स्तराच्या वृत्तपत्राने देखल घेतली नाही, कोणत्याही वर्तमानपत्राच्या संपादकीयामध्ये त्याला स्थान मिळाले नाही अथवा त्याच्या हत्येविरुद्ध उग्र आंदोलनही झाले नाही. का? केवळ सुजीत संघ स्वयंसेवक आहे म्हणून? याप्रकरणी स्थानिक पोलिसांनी मार्क्सवादी कम्युनिस्ट पार्टीच्या काही कार्यकर्त्यांना चौकशीसाठी ताब्यात घेतले आहे. काही दिवसांपूर्वी माकपाच्या स्थानिक युनिटचा सरचिटणीस जयदेवला भाजपाच्या एका कार्यकर्त्याची हत्या करण्याच्या आरोपाखाली पकडण्यात आले आणि न्यायालयाने जयदेवचा जामीन अर्जही फेटाळून लावला होता. जोपर्यंत सुजीतच्या मारेकर्‍यांना अटक होत नाही, तोपर्यंत या बाबतीत काहीही निर्णायकरीत्या सांगणे अवघड आहे. मात्र, परिस्थितिजन्य पुरावे कम्युनिस्टांकडेच अंगुलिनिर्देश करतात. सुजीतचे मारले जाणे हा कुठल्याही वर्तमानपत्राच्या चिंतेचा विषय का होऊ नाही? आणि त्याची हत्या म्हणजे अभिव्यक्तिस्वातंत्र्य व विचारस्वातंत्र्यावर हल्ला आहे, असे का बरे मानले जात नाही? कन्हैया आणि कण्णूरचा सुजीत दोघेही भारतीय नाहीयेत? तेव्हा दोघांनाही राज्यघटना आणि माध्यमांकडून समान न्याय मिळायला नको काय?
जी कुणी शिकली सवरली व्यक्ती असते तिची स्वत:ची अशी विचारसरणी आणि राजकीय मते असतात ही गोष्ट सत्य आहे. मात्र, वर्तमानपत्रातील बातम्या आणि संपादकीय पान त्या विचारसरणीची जाहिरात बनावे काय? देशात असे खूपच कमी संपादक असतील जे आपल्या संपादकीय धोरणाच्या विपरीत अन्य मते बाळगणार्‍या लेखकांचे लेखही छापत असतील. अन्य ठिकाणी तर केवळ एकाच विचारसरणीविषयी चर्चा, लेख आणि त्याच रंगात रंगलेल्या बातम्या छापल्या जातात. आपले स्वत:चे विचार संपादकीयात व्यक्त करणे आणि त्याच्यापेक्षा भिन्न मत असलेल्या लेखाला संपादकीय पानावर स्थान देणे यासाठी आज हिंमतवान व धैर्यशील वृत्तीच्या संपादकांची आवश्यकता आहे.
आता देशद्रोह आणि देशभक्ती या विषयांवरही वादविवाद, चर्चेची गरज भासते ही सर्वात दु:खाची गोष्ट आहे. ज्या दिवशी संपूर्ण देश साश्रू नयनांनी सियाचीनचा वीर हनुमंतप्पाला निरोप देत होता आणि सर्वांच्याच ओठांवर जेव्हा जय हिंदचा उच्चार होता, त्याच दिवशी जर कुठल्या विद्यापीठात ‘भारत की बर्बादी तक जंग करेंगे’ आणि ‘हर घरसे अफजल निकलेगा’ सारख्या घोषणा देण्यात येत असतील, तर याला काय म्हणायचे? अभिव्यक्तिस्वातंत्र्य? आणि आज जे म्हणत आहेत की आम्ही भारताच्या राज्यघटनेशी बांधील आहोत, त्यांनी राज्यघटना पायदळी तुडविणार्‍या त्या विद्यार्थ्यांवर कोणती कारवाई केली? घटनेची बांधीलकी मानणार्‍या विद्यार्थ्यांनी घटनाद्रोही विद्यार्थ्यांविषयी विद्यापीठ प्रशासनाला अवगत केले काय, काही माहिती दिली काय? तसे कळविणे त्यांचे कर्तव्य नव्हते काय? देशविरोधी चळवळींचे केंद्र म्हणून प्रत्येक वेळी जेएनयूच का चर्चेत राहाते? कारगिल युद्धाच्या वेळी याच डाव्या विचारसरणीच्या विद्यार्थी संघटनांनी पाकिस्तानी शायरांना आमंत्रित करून भारतीय लष्कराविरुद्ध आक्षेपार्ह शायरी होऊ दिली होती. यावेळी तेथे उपस्थित दोन लष्करी अधिकार्‍यांनी या गोष्टीला विरोध दर्शविला असता या विद्यार्थ्यांनी त्यांच्यावर हल्ला चढविला होता. त्यावेळी त्यापैकी एक मेजर दर्जाच्या अधिकार्‍याने पिस्तूलने हवेत गोळीबार करून आपले प्राण वाचविले होते. अशा प्रकारेच दंतेवाडा येथे मारले गेलेल्या सुरक्षा जवानांच्या मृत्यूवर ‘माओवादी विजया’बद्दल जेनएनयूत आनंद साजरा करण्यात आला होता. गेल्या ९ फेब्रुवारी रोजी जे पोस्टर विद्यापीठाच्या भिंतींवर चिकटविण्यात आले होते, त्यावर ‘कश्मीर पर कब्जे के विरुद्ध एवं कश्मीर की आजादी के आंदोलन के समर्थनमे शाम को सभा होगी, कश्मीरपर किसका कब्जा है यह बताया जायेगा’, असे लिहिले होते. सैनिकांचा अपमान आणि भारताच्या एकतेवर आघात या गोष्टी अभिव्यक्तिस्वातंत्र्याच्या अंतर्गत येतात काय? अभिव्यक्तिस्वातंत्र्य आणि देशविरोधी वक्तव्ये यात आता कुठलाही फरक करायला नको काय?
- तरुण विजय
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