Friday, 29 July 2016
बुरहान वाणीविषयी ‘हमदर्दी’ व्यक्त करून मेहबुबाबाईंनी त्याच्या मृत्यूबद्दल अश्रूंना वाट मोकळी करून दिली. अफझल गुरू हा स्वातंत्र्यसैनिकच होता, असे ठामपणे सांगणार्याब मेहबुबा कश्मीरच्या मुख्यमंत्री झाल्यावरही बदललेल्या नाहीत हेच बुरहान वाणीबद्दल त्यांनी जी मुक्ताफळे उधळली आहेत
https://youtu.be/nIjBr8AdZAQ २६ जुलै. कारगिल विजय दिवस. बरोबर १७ वर्षांपूर्वी ह्याच दिवशी भारताने निर्णायक लढाई करून द्रास आणि कारगिल ह्या जम्मू काश्मीरमधल्या दुर्गम भागातली महत्वाची शिखरे पाकिस्तानी सैन्याकडून परत जिंकून घेतली
There is a busy bridge in Pune called Mhatre Bridge.-the bridge is named after an unsung Indian hero, Shri Ravindra Hareshwar Mhatre.
REALITY CHECK for the nation -Reconciliation comes easy in a comfortable home, not in an unforgiving bunker.”Words of a Commanding Officer of the Indian Army
Saturday, 23 July 2016
भारतविरोधी घोषणा देणार्या काश्मीर तरुणांवर बंदी घालून त्यांना मिळणार्या सरकारी योजना तातडीने बंद करणे. सरकारी राशन-पाणी बंद करणे.
गेल्या दोन वर्षात मोदी सरकार सत्तेवर आल्यानंतर काश्मीर धोरणात विशेष लक्ष दिल्या जात आहे, यात वादच नाही. आपल्या संरक्षण मंत्र्यांनी लष्कराला ‘शूट ऍट साईट’चे आदेश दिले आहेत. पूर्वी कॉंग्रेसच्या प्रदीर्घ काळात खूपच शिथिलता काश्मीरमध्ये असल्यामुळे तिथले प्रकरण हाताच्या बाहेर गेले होते. आतापर्यंत तिथे ५% सुद्धा काश्मिरी पंडित राहिलेले नाहीत. ९५% संख्या म्हणजे फक्त मुसलमान नव्हे, तर मोठ्या संख्येने पाक समर्थित व भारत द्वेषी कट्टर मुसलमान तिथे वास्तव्याला आहेत. याला, हिजबुल मुजाहिद्दीन तसेच पाकसह फुटीरवादी अनेक संघटना सतत खतपाणी घालत आहेत. काश्मिरी युवकाच्या मनात पाक प्रेम व भारतद्वेष भरण्याचे काम सुरू आहे. तेव्हा तिथे सतत हिंसाचार चालूच असतो. अमरनाथ यात्रेकरूंवर हल्ला करणे, पोलिस ठाण्यांवर हल्ला, सुरक्षा जवानांवर दगडफेक इत्यादी नित्याच्या घटना घडत असतात. आता तर असेही कळले की सुरक्षा जवानांवर दगडफेक केल्यास त्यांना ५०० रुपये बक्षीस मिळते. आता काश्मीरमध्ये सुरक्षा दलाने केलेल्या कारवाईत हिजबुल मुजाहिद्दीनचा दहशतवादी बुरहान वानी मारल्या गेला त्याच्या अंत्यसंस्कारात १५-२० हजार पाक समर्थित काश्मिरी युवक सहभागी होते. सुरक्षा दलाने केलेल्या कारवाईच्या विरोधात स्थानिकांनी पोलिस ठाणे व भाजपा कार्यालयावर हल्ला केला. हा हिंसाचार इतका वाढत गेला की शेवटी अमरनाथ यात्रासुद्धा थांबवावी लागली. पाकिस्तानला माहीत आहे की भारतासोबत सरळ युद्ध करून काश्मीर जिंकणे शक्य नाही. त्यांचे यापूर्वीचे सर्व प्रयत्न असफल झाले. भारताच्या प्रचंड शक्तीबद्दल त्यांना कल्पना आहे. पण कुत्र्याचं शेपूट कितीही सरळ केलं तरी ते वाकडंच राहातं. आपण त्यांच्याशी कितीही चांगले संबंध ठेवले तरीही काही फायदा नाही. संपूर्ण जगाला माहीत आहे की, पाकिस्तान म्हणजे दहशतवाद्यांची जन्मभूमी आहे. अमेरिकेने बरेच वेळा पाकिस्तानची कानउघडणी केली आहे. युनोमध्ये काश्मीरचे तुणतुणे वाजवणार्या पाकिस्तानला खडे बोलसुद्धा सुनावण्यात आले आहे. बरेचदा पाकिस्तानची नामुष्की झाली आहे. पाकच्या अनेक भागांत मानवाधिकाराचे हनन होत आहे. हे तिथल्या निर्वासितांनाच कळते. परंतु काश्मीरमधील जनतेच्या मनात भारतविरोधी विष पेरले असल्याने त्यांना पाकचाच पुळका वाटतो. भारतात जेवढे स्वातंत्र्य मिळते तेवढे पाकिस्तान व इतर मुस्लिम राष्ट्रात नाही. तिथे कायदे किती कठोर आहेत हे येथील पाकसमर्थित मुसलमानांनी समजायला हवे. एवढा मानवाधिकार व स्वातंत्र्य जगात कुठेच मिळणार नाही. हे आपल्या येथील तरुण वर्ग समजून घेत नाही, ते मोठे दुर्दैव आहे. याला कारण भारतातील राजकीय पक्षातील एकजुटीचा अभाव. भाजपाविरोधी सर्व पक्ष स्वत:च्या हितासाठी व राजकीय पोळ्या शेकण्यासाठी काश्मीरमधील फुटीरवाद्यांना खतपाणी घालण्याचे राजकीय षडयंत्र करत असतात. कधी नॅशनल कॉन्फरन्स, तर कधी पी. डी. पी. सोबत तडजोड दिसत असते. फुटीरवाद्यांवर लगाम लावण्यात आपण अयशस्वी ठरलो, असे दिसून येते. यावर उपाय म्हणजे प्रथम विस्तारित काश्मीर पंडितांचे एकत्रीकरण करून त्यांच्या मूल स्थानी निवास करण्याबाबत त्यांचे मनोबल वाढवणे. त्यांना आवश्यक सर्व संरक्षणाची साधने देऊन त्यांच्या उदरनिर्वाहाची व्यवस्था केंद्र सरकारने करणे. पुढे ती व्यवस्था काश्मीर सरकारवर सोपवणे. परंतु केंद्राचे बारीक लक्ष असणे गरजेचे ठरते. यामुळे स्थानिक भागात हिंदूंची मतं वाढतील. काश्मीर पंडितांचे मनोबल वाढविण्यास दुसरा उपाय म्हणजे कलम ३७० रद्द करणे. म्हणजे देशातील सर्व व्यवसायिक तिथे व्यवसाय करू शकतील व काश्मीरच्या पंडितांचे धैर्य वाढेल. लष्कराप्रमाणे स्थानिक पोलिसांना सुद्धा भारतविरोधी कारवाई करण्यावर कडक निर्देश देणे. त्यांना सुद्धा अत्याधुनिक संरक्षण साधने उपलब्ध करून देणे. बरेच वेळा असे दिसून येते की, दहशतवाद्यांजवळील अत्याधुनिक शस्त्रांमुळे स्थानिक पोलिस हतबल ठरतात. भारतविरोधी घोषणा देणार्या काश्मीर तरुणांवर बंदी घालून त्यांना मिळणार्या सरकारी योजना तातडीने बंद करणे. सरकारी राशन-पाणी बंद करणे. सुरक्षा जवानांवर दगडेक करणार्या कुटुंबावर पाळत ठेवून त्यांच्या सर्व सवलती बंद करणे. कारण, केंद्र सरकार जम्मू-काश्मीरसाठी प्रचंड मोठी रक्कम दरवर्षी देत असते. पण, तो जनतेसाठी वापरलाच गेला नाही. इस्लाम काय आहे हे काश्मीरातील फुटीरवाद्यांना कळत नाही असे नाही. पण, जिहादच्या नावाखाली इस्लामला बदनाम करत आहे हे फुटीरवादी. तेव्हा आता ‘मुस्लिम पर्सनल लॉ’ याला न जुमानता समान नागरिक कायदा अमलात आणण्यासाठी प्रयत्नांना गती देणे गरजेचे ठरते. या उपाययोजना लगेच अमलात नाही आणल्या तर काश्मीर हातातून जाईल व पुढे हा देश हिंदुस्थान न राहाता पाकिस्तान होईल, हे लक्षात घ्यावे
Thursday, 21 July 2016
Kashmir needs the army, not sermons from liberals, to wipe out jihadis Prakash Nanda Jul 21, 2016 12718 Do you remember what our so-called liberals were recommending when Punjab was literally burning during the Khalistani agitation? Had the then Punjab director general of police KPS Gill listened to these liberals, dominating our think tanks, universities and national media, Khalistan perhaps would have been a reality by now! Similarly, if we go by the recommendations of these liberals for Kashmir now, it will become the surest way towards the country’s disintegration. Indian Army in action. PTIIndian Army in action. PTI What do these liberals say? For them if Kashmir is in turmoil, it is precisely because of the unholy alliance between the BJP and PDP in the state at a time when a man called Narendra Modi is India’s Prime Minister. For them, whatever we are seeing today in Kashmir has nothing to do with terrorism and fundamentalist Islam. In fact, under the influence of these liberals, some important national dailies have now even stopped using the term “terrorists” altogether; instead, they now prefer to use the word “militants”. As I have already written in this forum, Kashmir’s present woes are essentially because of the diminishing phenomenon of “Kashmiriyat” based on the “Sufism”, the principal feature of the Muslims in the Indian subcontinent. Sufism talks of coexistence with, not total domination over others as propounded by the fanatic Wahabism, financed by Saudi Arabia and implemented by Pakistan in Kashmir. The disturbing elements in Kashmir are essentially Islamists, not freedom fighters that they claim to be. Just see the videos of the speeches of any Hurriyat leader to realise this point. Pakistani journalist Kunwar Khudune Sahid brilliantly wrote the other day in The Nation, one of Pakistan’s leading dailies, that Burhan Muzaffar Wani, whose killing on 8 July triggered the present bedlam in the valley, was “the offspring of the global jihadist movement that emerged in the last quarter of the previous century, hammering Muslim-majority freedom movements into Islamist struggles wherever the occupying force was ‘non-Muslim’– including Palestine, Kashmir and East Turkestan. And the problem with any Islamist ‘freedom’ movement is that it intrinsically contradicts the very idea of freedom." It is a huge myth that Kashmir will be normal once the government starts dialogue with the separatists. The then prime minister Manmohan Singh had held three Round Tables with all the stake holders in the valley. He had set up five working groups as a result of the round table initiative, including one on Centre-state relations. But when things were to be implemented, came the stone-throwing incidents in 2010, inviting police retaliations that resulted in 112 deaths. In fact, that time, there was some genuine reason for the eruption of the crisis - the Indian Army claimed to have killed three "Pakistani infiltrators" but it was later revealed to be a case of a fake encounter. But this time, there was no such reason – the security forces killed Wani, a known terrorist. Besides, the forces have demonstrated exemplary restraint – the death toll, though unfortunate, is at 43 at the time of writing. Admittedly, both Central and state governments have displayed their limitations in tackling the present crisis. It is highly debatable whether the body of Wani should have been handed over to his relatives for burial to provide the Islamists the grand opportunity to demonstrate their force. Besides, there has been a great intelligence failure. But this should not distract us from the fact that the present government by the PDP-BJP alliance is the best that could have happened to the state. As late chief minister Mufti Mohammad Syed had said in an interview to another Pakistani newspaper The Dawn, “The BJP got 25 seats from Jammu in the Assembly Elections. I think ignoring this mandate will be a mistake. The BJP also got a nationwide mandate in the 2014 Parliamentary Elections. I believe it is important to respect the mandate and form a government which is inclusive and takes into account the interests of all three distinct regions viz Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh. In my view, the partnership with the BJP is an excellent opportunity to reconnect people of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh with each other. This alliance could be a paradigm shift in Kashmir’s political history and reduce regional tensions. Internationally too, the PDP-BJP alliance is a message of our diversity.” Good-governance and restoration of Kashmiriyat are keys to the peace and prosperity of Kashmir, not talking to the Islamist separatists. The latter need to be dealt with as sternly as possible, not pampered as they are now with crores of rupees spent on their security and health. And for this, the state needs judicious use of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), not its total withdrawal as demanded by our so-called liberals. The AFSPA is a special provision envisaged by the country’s Parliament. It is meant to be used in these two extraordinary circumstances – secessionist violence and internal disturbance. The Act is applicable to the armed forces (including the paramilitary), not the general police personnel. Only when the latter, working under normal laws, are not able to take control of the situation and armed forces are called into the service, does the AFSPA come into relevance. It provides the armed forces the power to arrest those suspected without warrant, search their places and fire upon, even causing death, those who are acting in contravention of “any law” and those “in assembly of five or more persons” or those who are in possession of deadly weapons. Obviously, there are conditions attached in the AFSPA and soldiers/officials violating these can always be prosecuted. In fact, available data with me suggests that since 1990, the security forces have been accused of 1,511 cases of human rights abuse. All of these were thoroughly investigated, including by the National Human Rights Commission. A total of 1,473 cases were found to be completely false and had been possibly instigated by terrorist organisations. Where culpability was established, 104 soldiers, including 40 officers, have been punished in 35 cases so far. But critics question why the armed forces are immune to acting under normal laws such as no searching without warrants and no firing without the magisterial order. The answer is very simple. If the armed forces cannot do anything on their own and need civilian clearance during their operations, how will be their effectiveness different from that of the normal police and paramilitary forces? And if that is the case, where is the need to call them? As it is, armed forces have been consistently pointing out that they are not interested in managing internal security. So, those opposing the AFSPA should vent their anger not against the armed forces but the political or civilian leadership, which is summoning them to do the job that is supposed to be done by police and paramilitary forces. If you do not call the army, there is no need for AFSPA. It is true that by its very nature, any extraordinary or anti-terrorism law is bound to affect some “individual rights” – such as liberty of the individual, privacy, autonomy and freedom among others. But their being invoked is necessitated for “public welfare”. All told, terrorist attacks are, fundamentally, an assault not on individuals or on the liberty of individuals, but on the security and welfare of the people as a whole. And since the fight against secessionism and terrorism is not a normal fight, one has to appreciate the need to transcend the excessive individualism that the blind champions of human rights suggest. Contrary to what the habitual army-bashers say, if Kashmir continues to be with India and if any organisation that the ordinary Kashmiri, as distinct from the separatist, is most comfortable with, then it is the Indian Army. In the process, the Army has made tremendous sacrifices, both in terms of men and material. Abrogating the AFSPA or removing some of its key provisions in an attempt to make it ‘humane’ could place the Army (and other security forces) at a great disadvantage in their fight against a vicious insurgency that has now religious overtones. Any watering down of the Act will result in de-motivating the troops whose lawful actions may expose them to decades of litigation in civil courts. Let us be proud of our armed forces. They need to be encouraged and strengthened, not maligned at
Wednesday, 20 July 2016
The Indian Army's greatest tragedy! In the mad race to boost circulation and viewer ratings, the media may have, in one go, started the process of demolishing one of the last institutions that has stood rock solid in defence of idea that is India
Tuesday, 19 July 2016
BRIG HEMANT MAHAJAN NATIONAL SECURITY: अफस्पा’ काढल्यास मणिपूर हातून निसटून जाईल--ब्रिगेड...: अफस्पा’ काढल्यास मणिपूर हातून निसटून जाईल First Published :20-July-2016 : 06:42:23 ‘अस्थिर भागात लष्कराने अतिबळाचा वापर करू नये आणि म...
WATCH ME LIVE ON TV CHANNEL JAI MAHARASHTRA 8PM-9 PM TODAY 19 JUL REPEAT TELECAST ON 20 JUL 0930 AM-1030 AM SUBJECT KASHMIR
17 deaths an hour: Gadkari must walk the talk on killer Indian roads-Killer Roads and National Apathy: Time to Educate People
Monday, 18 July 2016
Jihad unlimited: Does Kashmir need a military response or a political one? Fifth Column: Every time the Valley explodes, experts emerge to pronounce in ponderous tones that we need to find a ‘political solution’ instead of just a military one.
Jihad unlimited: Does Kashmir need a military response or a political one? Fifth Column: Every time the Valley explodes, experts emerge to pronounce in ponderous tones that we need to find a ‘political solution’ instead of just a military one. Written by Tavleen Singh | Updated: July 17, 2016 8:12 am Within hours of the attack in Nice, the President of France acknowledged that it was an act of Islamist terror. I consider this an important detail to begin this week’s column with because it is my view that a failure to acknowledge what is really happening in the Kashmir valley is the main reason why we get no closer to finding a political solution. The armed struggle for ‘azaadi’ that began in the last days of 1989, when Yasin Malik and his comrades kidnapped Mehbooba Mufti’s sister, was secular in nature and was a mistaken but sincere attempt to win freedom for Kashmir. This movement was subsumed long ago by jihadi terrorism planned by groups who took their orders from Pakistan’s ISI. These groups fought under the banner of Islam. Nearly every video of Burhan Wani shows him affirming that his fight is for Islam. When he was killed on July 8, the first people to commemorate him as a martyr were Hafiz Saeed and Syed Salahuddin. Wani belonged to the Hizbul Mujahideen that the ISI formed in the early Nineties with the specific purpose of taking over the ‘azaadi’ movement from the JKLF (Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front). The nature of the movement changed. On Srinagar’s streets suddenly appeared bearded young men who forcibly closed bars, cinemas and video shops. These same fanatics then targeted women who did not cover their faces, and soon emerged zealots like Asiya Andrabi of the Dukhtaran-e-Millat, who not only covers her whole face but wears black gloves so that no hint of female flesh is visible. These changes were dramatic and sudden. They did not happen gradually, but to this day, most Indian commentators continue to be in denial mode. Govt dismissed my views on Kashmir unrest in past: Burhan Wani was part of Pakistani proxy war: exiled Kashmiri leaderShadow in ValleyThe worry: What Burhan Wani's death could give life toKashmir on boil after face of new militancy, Is it just me or have you noticed that nobody yet links the violence in Kashmir to the worldwide jihad? In Srinagar last summer when I first heard of Burhan Wani, people talked of him with reverence but without mentioning that his fight was not just for ‘azaadi’ but for Islam. Like his Islamist brothers across the Muslim world, his videos show him saying this in clear terms. The thousands who attended his funeral indicate that in death he remains Kashmir’s biggest hero. So has Islamism put down deep, deep roots? If it has, what should we be doing about it? Can we do anything about it if we continue to deny that it is not freedom from India that the Kashmiris now want but their own little Islamic state? Every time the Valley explodes, experts emerge to pronounce in ponderous tones that we need to find a ‘political solution’ instead of just a military one. Yes. Everyone knows this. What nobody seems to know is what this political solution could be and if it is even possible to think about political solutions when angry, young Kashmiris hate India enough to risk their lives by attacking armed security personnel. Is a political solution possible as long as Pakistan continues to back jihadists? There is no point in pretending that this did not happen again this time. Synchronised attacks on police stations indicate a degree of planning that is well beyond the strategic capacity of school children and angry young men. What should worry policymakers in Delhi and Srinagar is why Burhan Wani’s message finds such resonance. What should worry the Prime Minister is that two years of his term have gone by without the smallest indication that his government has a new policy to deal with the changed nature of our oldest political problem. Personally I had hoped that Narendra Modi would open a new chapter in Kashmir by making it completely clear that there will never be ‘azaadi’, and that once this is accepted, we can begin to talk of other things. Far too many young Kashmiris believe, as Burhan Wani did, that all it needs is for them to continue stoning Indian soldiers and security personnel and this will result in independence. This idea is supported from across the border by men like Hafiz Saeed who rave on about how Allah is on their side and so victory is automatic. Burhan Wani was so important an asset for Pakistan’s jihad against India that his death was brought up at the United Nations last week. He was described by Pakistan’s representative to the UN as a Kashmiri ‘leader’ who was killed by extra-judicial means. This is as absurd as if Tunisia was to claim that the killing of the man who drove that killing machine of a truck in Nice amounts to a human rights violation. Burhan Wani was a jihadi terrorist who in one of his last videos urged ordinary Kashmiris to stay away from soldiers and policemen because ‘we can attack them at any time’. Should there be a military response to this or a political one माझ्या या पुस्तकाला वर्ष २०१६ चे ग्रंथोज्जनक पारितोषिक मिळाले आहे. आव्हान जम्मू-आणि-काश्मीर मधील छुप्या युद्धाचे ब्रिगेडिअर हेमंत महाजन http://www.bookganga.com/eBooks/Books/details/5451077040939915355?BookName=Aavhan