Narendra Modi and Chandrababu Naidu are more ruthless to Maoists, says activist Vara Vara Rao

Manasa Chennapragada Updated: Nov 12, 2016 21:05 IST #Andhra Pradesh #Bejangi #Chandrababu Naidu #Chandrasekhar Rao #Communist Party of India #Dadankarnya #Green Hunt Operation #Hindutva #Malkangiri #Maoist #Mission 2016 #Narendra Modi #Naxalbari #Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) #Telenagana #TheySaidIt #Vara Vara Rao #YSR 26 . 225 . . 3 . . . . Communist, poet, activist and writer Vara Vara Rao is not known to mince his words. He is angry at the coming together of imperialism and Hindutva — a dangerous cocktail which, he says, is bent upon killing the Maoist armed rebels. Following the 24 October encounter in Malkangiri, Odisha, when 31 Maoists were gunned down in the wee hours of the morning while they were camping in the forest, Vara Vara Rao and other civil liberties activists have called for justice for those killed. They have also alleged that the encounter was "fake" and that Maoists were tortured brutally before being killed. Representational image. AFP Representational image. AFP Rao’s engagement with the Maoist cause goes back many decades. He was one of the negotiators between Maoists and the YS Rajashekhar Reddy (also known as YSR)-led Congress government in united Andhra Pradesh in 2004. The talks failed and the state, once again, unleashed attacks not only on the Maoists but also foisted cases on Rao and other negotiators, throwing them in jail for months. A renowned writer, poet and founder member of Virasam — a Revolutionary Writers’ Association, Rao lives in Hyderabad and spoke exclusively to Manasa Chennapragada on the recent Malkangiri encounter. Manasa Chennapragada (MC): In your opinion, is the NDA government more aggressive towards Maoist rebels than the UPA government was? Please explain. Vara Vara Rao (VVR): Green Hunt Operation started during 2009 at the time of Manmohan Singh. Now it has reached its third phase and Modi has given it another name — Mission 2016. If you talk from the philosophical point of view, the imperialist has joined the Hindutva brigade. The Modi government, during induction itself had said that it is going to implement Gujarat model all over India. What is the NDA government doing in Chhattisgarh, Dandakaranya and elsewhere? Rajnath Singh twice congratulated the Chief Minister and DGP (of Andhra Pradesh), in fact, earlier to this action (Malkangiri encounter) he had been to Andhra Pradesh and Odisha. It’s a green signal from the central government, and the result is the Bejangi encounter. And, Chandrababy Naidu being a part of NDA, is also responsible. Naidu and Modi alliance is more aggressive because they believe the Maoist moment is a law-and-order problem, not a socio-economic problem. Naidu and Modi government is more ruthless as they are serving a World Bank programme in implementing the imperialist globalisation policy along with Hindutva philosophy. MC: What do you think happened in the Malkangiri encounter? VVR: The government target was the leadership of the party RK (Ramakrishna, a prominent Maoist leader), Uday, Chalapathi and Aruna and that leadership was not caught. They targeted them 16 times but couldn’t find the place they were. During the 17th time they were able to locate and kill other people. http://av.firstpost.com/2016/11/Vara_Vara_Rao.mp4 MC: Sudhakar Reddy, General Secretary of the Communist Party of India, alleges that the Malkangiri killing was not an encounter. He says it appears Maoists had been arrested and later gunned down. Your comments? VVR: Some of them were caught in the second round and tortured — Prabhakar, Barathi and Daya. That way it is not an encounter. MC: Do you feel the TRS (Telangana Rashtra Samiti) government in Telangana is friendlier towards the Maoists than earlier regimes? VVR: It (TRS regime) is Naidu plus YSR, former Congress CM of united AP. See the silence of the TRS government. We see it was Naidu’s action that happened in the Andhra-Odisha border. Among the 31 people who died, three people are from Telangana. Prabhakar worked for Telangana (from 1997 to 2014) longer than Chandrashekar Rao (Telangana CM) who worked from 2001 to 2014. Daya from Nalgonda district has 25 years of experience and Bharathi comes from Medak district. Even for them Telangana government didn’t raise its voice. When we protested against encounter killings they implicated cases against us. They are not friendly, and we don’t any government to be friendly with us. We just want you to obey your principals and the Fundamental Rights of the Constitution. We want the government to be friendly with the people. MC: Please tell us about the press release from Maoists threatening to kill the AP CM and his family. VVR: It was a police statement. They (Maoists) did not make that threat. Also we don’t believe in suicide squads

As India's power grows, China's containment strategy will get frenetic-By Rajesh Rajagopalan

As India's power grows, China's containment strategy will get frenetic 12 Jun, 2016, China’s action has little to do with NSG, but is simply the latest indication of China’s containment strategy against India. China's decision in Vienna to object to India entering the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) should not come as too much of a surprise. China has been uncharacteristically open about opposing India's membership. This also makes it unlikely that it will change its view in the next 10 days, before the NSG meets in plenary in Seoul on June 24. China's action has little to do with NSG, but is simply the latest indication of China's containment strategy against India. Understanding this reality is the first step to finding an appropriate strategy to managing India's relations with China. The NSG membership is important for India but not so much for any material gain. Its importance is mostly that it strengthens the legitimacy of India's nuclear programme and permits India to have some say in making the rules of the global nuclear order, all without joining the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT). Since the NSG, under American pressure, had in 2008 already permitted India to engage in nuclear commerce with other countries, what China's veto does mostly is hurt India's pride but not much more. China's objections have little to do with its fidelity to NSG rules. NSG has admitted members who were not NPT members. Moreover, China's own actions after it joined the NSG demonstrate a completely dismissive attitude towards NSG rules. Against these rules, and its own solemn commitment, China agreed to supply additional nuclear power plants to Pakistan. China's actions are not about the NSG as much as an attempt to balance and contain India within South Asia. This is why it might not object if India and Pakistan join together, thus ensuring both their hyphenation and having someone inside to use as its cat's paw against India. But this is not likely to happen for a while because Pakistan's terrible proliferation record makes other NSG members wary of letting it join. The policymakers in New Delhi need to recognise China's containment strategy against India and respond accordingly. China's behaviour is a reflection of three factors. The first is the balance of power in Asia. It was clear since the 1950s that India and China would be the most powerful countries in Asia. This led China to form an axis with Pakistan that is based on nothing but their common desire to balance India. India has never fully acknowledged or responded to this axis. The second is China's rise, which has led to greater aggressiveness with all of its neighbours and with the us. Though China initially attempted to portray its rise as "peaceful" and different from previous great powers, these are now distant memories. China's behaviour has become increasingly unyielding and pugnacious, as when the Chinese foreign minister told his Singaporean counterpart in 2010, in effect, that small countries should know their place. It is important to remember this because in the coming days there will be arguments that China's actions are the consequence of India getting closer to the US. That would be wrong. There is a certain uniformity in Chinese behaviour that applies to all of its neighbours, not just India. These are, moreover, neighbours with which China has close economic ties, countries that tried hard to engage with China in order to integrate it into the regional order in the hope that this would tame any temptations of power. They have all reluctantly concluded that China's power can only be balanced, not tamed, and are seeking closer security ties with the US because it is the only country that can effectively provide such balance. The US too tried hard to integrate China into the existing international order, seeking to partner with it rather than contain it. For almost a decade, the US was also diverted by its entanglements in the Middle East, giving China plenty of space to grow. US President Barack Obama's initial instinct, as befits his liberal view of international politics, was also to frame the relationship as a partnership, the G-2. None of this has helped keep China's rise peaceful. As China's power grew, its ambitions have also expanded. China, it turns out, is just another great power and its change in behaviour tracks well with its growing power. Finally, China also has a paranoid strategic culture that automatically sees the world in conflictual terms, which is sometimes short-sighted. Indian leaders should be intimately familiar with this. It is this short-sightedness that unnecessarily antagonised a very pro-China Jawaharlal Nehru, helped cement the Indo-Soviet alliance, forced India to restart its nuclear programme by helping Pakistan's nuclear weapons quest and is driving an instinctively anti-American Indian strategic elite into reluctantly considering an alliance with the US. Strategic Blindness That Beijing's behaviour is so self-defeatingly short-sighted should provide no comfort to New Delhi because it has led to a policy that has consistently sought to balance and contain India. China's decision to object to India's entry into the NSG is no different. China is reacting not so much to India's behaviour as much as to India's power. As India's power grows, India should prepare for China's containment strategy to become even more frenetic. In New Delhi, there is almost a wilful blindness to this. The dangers of such strategic blindness cannot be overstated. If there is one positive outcome of the NSG issue, it is that it provides a further demonstration of China's containment strategy. If India's strategic community and decision-makers continue to sleep on, they will have no one to blame but themselves.

INDIA TO REVIEW ONE CHINA POLICY

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/India-talks-tough-on-one-China-policy-says-reaffirm-one-India-policy-first/articleshow/42060331.cms NEW DELHI: India on Monday took a tough line ahead of Chinese President Xi Jinping's visit to India later this month. "For India to agree to a one-China policy, China should reaffirm a one-India policy," external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj said. "When they raised with us the issue of Tibet and Taiwan, we shared their sensitivities. So, we want they should understand and appreciate our sensitivities regarding Arunachal Pradesh," the minister said. India has refused to endorse the "one-China" policy since 2010, removing it from a joint statement during the visit of former premier Wen Jiabao to New Delhi. Describing the India-China relationship as being "very good" but one of "competition and cooperation", Swaraj promised the forthcoming visit by Xi Jinping to India would be "substantial and solid". She played down Modi's remarks in Japan which were believed to be aimed at China, saying those were actually not aimed at anyone. This was an attempt to gloss over a remark which must have rankled in China while making Modi's Japanese hosts happy. Swaraj said, "He never referred to any specific country. It was media's guess. He spoke about 18th century expansionism." Addressing Japanese businessmen, PM had taken a swipe at China, albeit without naming the country. "There are 18th-century-style ways and thinking that involve expanding (geographically) by taking away the land of another nation and going into seas," he had said. Swaraj said she was headed to Afghanistan in the next couple of days. Later this month, she said, India and Bangladesh would discuss the land boundary agreement and Teesta water sharing pact at the forthcoming joint consultative commission (JCC) meeting on September 20. "The Land Boundary Agreement was already introduced in Rajya Sabha and referred to the select committee. The select committee has been reconstituted now. Political consultations are under way," she said.

आव्हान चिनी ड्रॅगनचे –BRIG HEMANT MAHAJAN

चीनच्या पुढे नेहमीच गुडघे टेकले:परराष्ट्र धोरणावर शांततावादी विचारवंतांची पकड

पंतप्रधान मनमोहन सिंग यांनी वास्तविक, आपला २२-२४/१०/२०१३चा चीन दौरा रद्द करावयास हवा होता.भारताला अडचणीत आणण्याची एकही संधी चीन दवडत नाही. अरुणाचलातील दोन खेळाडूना स्पर्धेसाठी व्हिसा देण्याचा मुद्दा असो वा पाकिस्तानला अणुभट्टय़ा पुरवण्याचा. चीन कोणालाही भीक घालत नाही.पंतप्रधान मनमोहन सिंग हे अधिकृत दौऱ्यासाठी चीनमध्ये येणार हे माहीत असताना चीनने हा उद्योग केला. अणुऊर्जा निर्मितीसंदर्भातील सर्व कायदेकानून आणि आंतरराष्ट्रीय संकेत बाजूला सारून चीनने पाकिस्तानला अणुभट्टय़ा देण्याचा चंग बांधला आहे. पाकिस्तानचे यांचे चोरटे अणुउद्योग चीनच्याच सहकार्याने सुरू आहेत.या कुरापती चीनच्या आहेत . यानंतर पंतप्रधान मनमोहन सिंग यांनी वास्तविक, आपला चीन दौरा रद्द करावयास हवा होता.आंतरराष्ट्रीय संबंधांत फक्त स्वहिताचाच विचार असतो. पाकिस्तानसाठी दोन मोठय़ा अणुभट्टय़ा उभारून देण्याचे चीनचे काम हे याच हितसंबंधांचे निदर्शक आहे. दोन आठवडे आधी अरुणाचल प्रदेशातील दोन खेळाडूंना व्हिसा देण्याचे चीनने नाकारले. का? तर चीनच्या मते अरुणाचल हा चीनचाच भाग आहे त्यामुळे त्या प्रदेशातील व्यक्तींना व्हिसा देण्याची गरज नाही. या दोन्ही घटनांनंतर आपण फक्त निषेध नोंदवला.आपण मात्र पंतप्रधानांच्या चीन दौऱ्यात उभय देशांतील व्हिसा नियम शिथिल करण्यासंदर्भात करार होणार हो्तो. गेले सहा-सात महिने चीन हा सातत्याने आपल्या विरोधात कारवाया करीत असून भूप्रदेश बळकावण्यापासून अनेक उचापती त्या देशाने केल्या आहेत. कोणी महत्त्वाचा चिनी नेता भारतात येणार असताना, भारतीय नेत्याचा चीन दौरा तोंडावर आलेला असताना वा उभय देशांतील महत्त्वाच्या चर्चेच्या पाश्र्वभूमीवर चीनकडून हे उद्योग केले जातात. आताही पंतप्रधान मनमोहन सिंग महत्त्वाच्या दौऱ्यासाठी चीनला भेट देणार असतानाच चीनचे उद्योग समोर आले.वेन जिआ बाओ,केचियांग यांच्या भेटीतून अपेक्षाभंग चीनचे पंतप्रधान वेन जिआबाओ भारताच्या भेटीवर आले होते
. भारत-चीनी भाई भाईचा परत एकदा नारा देताना, चिनची नजर दोन्ही देशांदरम्यानचा व्यापार ४० अब्ज डॉलर्सने वाढविण्यावर होती. डॉ. मनमोहन सिंग यांच्यासोबत गेल्या काही वर्षांत ११ वेळा बैठका घेणारे चीनचे पंतप्रधान वेन जिआबाओ पुन्हा एकदा भारत भेटीवर येऊन गेले. तेव्हा त्यांच्याकडून भारतीयांना फार अपेक्षा नव्हत्या. चीनने चालविलेल्या खोड्या बंद कराव्यात अशी एक अपेक्षा होती. या अपेक्षेचे खापर त्यांनी भारतीय प्रसारमाध्यमांच्या माथी फोडले आणि चीन खोड्या करत नाही, भारतीय प्रसारमाध्यमेच तसे चित्र निर्माण करतात, असे अंग काढून घेत त्यांनी काढता पाय घेतला.त्यांच्या ११ भेटीचा काहीच फ़ायदा झाला नाही. ऊलटी चिनी आयात जास्त वाढल्यामुळे रुपयाची किम्मत घसरली आणी महागाई वाढली.चीनच्या पंतप्रधानपदावरून वेन जिआ बाओ गेले आणि केचियांग आले, याचे आपल्याला कौतुक होते. चीनने घुसखोरी केलेली असताना आपले परराष्ट्रमंत्री सलमान खुर्शीद हे चीनला जाण्यासाठी उतावीळ होते.त्यानी चीनच्या सैनिकांनी केलेल्या घुसखोरीचा मुद्दा उपस्थितदेखील केला नाही! चीनच्या नाराजीमुळे भारताने जपान आणि ऑस्ट्रेलिया यांच्यासोबतचा परंपरागत युद्धाभ्यास टाळला.इतके घाबरणे बरोबर आहे का? भारताचा स्वाभिमान आणि सैनिकांच्या मनोबलाचा विचार केला आहे का?.जुन २०१३ मध्ये राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा सल्लागार शिवशंकर मेनन हेही चीनला गेले आणी हात हलवत परत आले. भारताला एकीकडे सहकार्याचे, व्यापारवाढीचे गाजर दाखवायचे आणि दुसरीकडे सतत दबावाखाली ठेवण्याचा प्रयत्न करायचा. नवे नेतृत्व आले म्हणून त्यात कोणताही बदल झालेला नाही. बोर्डर डिफ़ेन्स कोओपरेशन करारावर सही?य़ा दौर्यामध्ये चीनला आपल्याला बोर्डर डिफ़ेन्स कोओपरेशन करारावर{BORDER DEFENSE COOPERATION AGREEMENT(B D C A)} सही करायला भाग पाडायचे आहे.कराराचे मुख्य कलम आहे की यापुढे आपल्याला सीमा भागात नवीन रस्ते बांधता येणार नाही. चिनचे रस्ते ,रेल्वे, ओईल पाइप लाइन सीमेपर्यंत पोहचले आहे.आपल्या सुस्त कारभारामुळे आपले रस्ते मात्र सीमेपासून ३०-४० मैल मागेच आहेत. म्हणजेच पुढे लढत असलेल्या सैन्याला रसद पोहोचवण्यास आपण अजूनही असमर्थ राहणार आहोत.शिवाय चीनने रेल्वेलाईनचे जाळे तिबेटमध्ये पूर्ण पसरले आहे व पेट्रोलियम प्रॉडक्टकरता मोठी पाईपलाईन सुद्धा तयार केली आहे. ह्या उलट भारतीय रेल आसामच्या ब्रह्मपुत्रेच्या पात्रातच म्हणजे सीमेपासून शेकडो कि. मी. मागे रुतून राहिली आहे. थोडक्यात चीनने लष्करी कारवायांसाठी सर्व योग्य त्या सुविधांचे जाळे तयार करून ठेवले आहे. १९६२ च्या चिनी आक्रमणाला २०/१०/२०१३ पासुन ५१ वर्ष सुरु झाले. भारताचा निषेध अगदीच गुळमुळीत राहिलेला आहे. आपल्या निषेधांस कोणीही भीक घालत नाही. भारत व भूतान ही एकमेव अशी राष्ट्रे आहेत, ज्यांच्याबरोबर चीनचे सीमाप्रश्न सुटलेले नाहीत. आतापर्यंतच्या 19 चर्चांमधून काही निष्पन्न झाले नाही,१९०० चर्चांमधून सुधा काही निष्पन्न होणार नाही . जेव्हा चीनला वाटेल की, भारताने चीनचे प्रभुत्व मान्य केले आहे, तेव्हाच चीन हे प्रश्न सोडवेल. लष्कराचा विरोध असूनही सरकारी आदेशामुळे भारतीय संरक्षण दलाने चुमार येथील बंकर तोडण्याचा निर्णय घेतला. ज्या चिन्यांनी घुसखोरी केली, त्यांना मागे ढकलायचे सोडून, आपले सैन्यच आपल्याच प्रदेशात मागे घेणे ही कोठली राजनीती? राजकीय पक्ष काहीच का बोलत नाही ? चीनमध्ये नवे नेतृत्व आल्यानंतर शिरस्त्याप्रमाणे नवे अध्यक्ष शी जिंगपिंग यांनी भारताशी मैत्री करण्याची भाषा केली.चीनला भारताची बाजारपेठ हवी आहे, मात्र मैत्री नको.व्यापार वाढवला की चीनचा आक्रमकता नाहिशी होईल का?जपान व्हिएतनाम कसे वागतात?आशियात जपान व भारत हे चीनला आपले प्रतिस्पर्धी वाटतात. जपानशी कुरापत काढली आणी जपाननी आपले एयरफ़ोर्स अलर्ट केले.चीनने व्हिएतनामवर दबाव टाकला, व्हिएतनामने आपला शत्रू असलेल्या अमेरिकेशी मैत्री प्रस्थापित केली.लडाखमधील चिनी लष्करी अतिक्रमणाला, छोटे समजणे धोकादायक ठरणार आहे. असे प्रोत्साहन मिळत राहिले, तर घुसखोरीबाबत चीनला काळजी करण्याचे कारणच उरणार नाही. तिन्हीं देशापैकी भारताची कुरापत काढणे सोपे, असे चीनला वाटते. हा समज भ्रामक आहे, याची जाणीव करून देण्यासाठी तरी भारताने धैर्य दाखविले पाहिजे. चीनच्या 'एन्सर्कलमेंट'ला भारताने वेळीच प्रत्युत्तर दिले पाहिजे. मालदीव, मादागास्कर, तसेच सेशेल्सबरोबर असलेल्या संबंधात वाढ करणे, जपान, तैवान, ऑस्ट्रेलिया, दक्षिण कोरिया यांच्याशी विशेष संबंध प्रस्थापित करणे यांसारख्या उपाययोजना भारत करू शकतो. चीनभोवती भारतानेही आपला विळखा मजबूत करणे गरजेचे आहे. परराष्ट्र धोरणावर शांततावादी विचारवंतांची पकड आज इन्दीरा गांधी
,सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल यांसारखे एखादे खंबीर भूमिका घेणारे आणि कोणत्या परिणामाला सामोरे जाण्याची ताकद असणारे नेते असावेत .त्यासाठी प्रखर राजकीय इच्छाशक्तीची गरज आहे. अशी इच्छाशक्ती निर्माण होण्यासाठी जनतेनेच सरकारवर दबाव टाकायला हवा. चीनच्या घुसखोरीच्या विरोधात जनतेनेही उत्स्फूर्तपणे तीव्र प्रतिक्रिया व्यक्त करायला हव्यात. संपूर्ण देशात चीनच्या विरोधात वातावरण निर्माण व्हायला हवे. चिनी बनावटीच्या वस्तूंवर बहिष्कार टाकायला हवा. अशा वस्तू विकणार्यांना देशद्रोही मानायला हवे. व्यापार ही चीनची सर्वात मोठी आर्थिक शक्ती आहे . त्यामुळे या देशात चिनी वस्तुंच्या व्यापारावर निर्बंध आले तर ते चीनला परवडण्यासारखे नाही.त्यादृष्टीने जनता विचार करेल ही आशा आहे.जर तुम्हाला युद्ध टाळायचं असेल तर युद्धाकरता सक्षम व सज्ज राहा .भारताच्या दृष्टीने हे महत्त्वाचे आहे की, अरुणाचल प्रदेशलगत असलेल्या क्षेत्रांमध्ये सैन्याचे बळकटीकरण करणे आवश्यक आहे. आज भारतीय सैन्य चीनबरोबर युद्ध करू शकते का? राष्ट्राने याबाबतीत चिंता करू नये. आपल्या सीमांचे संरक्षण करण्यात भारतीय सैन्य सक्षम आहे. राजकीय सामर्थ्य निर्माण करण्याची गरज आहे. चीनचा उद्देश/हेतू कधीही बदलू शकतो.

BOOK ON NAXALISM BY BRIG HEMANT MAHAJAN

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