This week, New Delhi welcomes an intriguing visitor — Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba, marking the first official visit from Ukraine to India in seven years. Since the last visit by former Foreign Minister Pavlo Klimkin in 2017, significant changes have occurred, both in Ukraine due to its conflict with Russia and in the relationship between India and Ukraine. India's refusal to join the West in condemning Russia's invasion of Ukraine and its commitment to maintaining an independent stance have played a crucial role in this transformation.
As the
Russia-Ukraine conflict escalated into a full-fledged war in 2022, Ukrainian
President Volodymyr Zelensky embarked on multiple trips to Western countries,
including the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, Italy, and Turkey.
While these visits were primarily tied to various multilateral summits, their
underlying objective was to garner international support for Ukraine in its
battle against Russia. Whether it was the poignant visuals from the Canadian
parliament or Zelensky's visit to Washington, each event included an appeal for
aid and material support, along with a call to the global community to stand on
the "right side of history."
While
Ukraine's top leader sought support worldwide, India faced a barrage of
criticism from Ukrainian officials, including Foreign Minister Kuleba, who is
currently on a two-day visit to India. In August 2022, Kuleba made a statement
targeting India's purchase of discounted Russian crude oil, saying, "When
India purchases Russian crude oil (at a discount), they have to understand that
the discount has to be paid by Ukrainian blood." Furthermore, after the
G20 summit in New Delhi, Ukraine responded dismissively to India's efforts in
securing a declaration, stating that it was "nothing to be proud of."
In 2023, Ukraine went as far as its presidential advisor, Mykhailo Podolyak,
criticizing India for lacking an understanding of the modern world and labeling
it a country with "weak intellectual potential." Even a senior
Ukrainian lawmaker and head of the Ukrainian parliament's Foreign Affairs
Committee, Oleksandr Merezhko, called for sanctions against India for buying
Ukrainian oil.
Fast forward
to March 2024, and Ukraine has suddenly shifted its stance towards India.
Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba, during his visit to New Delhi, not only praised
India as a global power deserving a seat at the United Nations Security Council
but also acknowledged it as an important "global voice." This change
of heart is driven by Ukraine's self-interest. Kuleba's visit to India aims to
mend relations, strengthen bilateral ties, and seek humanitarian aid. However,
the most crucial item on the agenda is securing India's participation in a
high-level peace conference organized by Switzerland, based on Zelensky's peace
formula, scheduled for the coming months.
Ironically,
the same Ukraine that failed to understand India's energy security needs as a
developing country relying on discounted oil imports from Russia during
volatile energy prices is now requesting India to leverage its influence in the
Global South to support Ukraine's cause at the peace table in Switzerland.
Kuleba believes that India's presence will attract more nations from the Global
South to join Ukraine's cause. However, there is a catch.
India's
position on the Ukraine-Russia war has remained consistent from the start.
India firmly believes that the conflict cannot be resolved through warfare and
that a peaceful solution is imperative. New Delhi has expressed interest in
mediating peace between the warring parties, as reiterated by Foreign Minister
S Jaishankar in an interview with the German economic daily Handelsblatt in
February.
However,
India is highly unlikely to accept any invitation that could jeopardize its
strategic ties with Russia. Neither Russia itself nor Ukraine genuinely desires
Russia's participation in the peace conference. For Ukraine, the conference is
more of a show of strength, which is why it seeks India's support as a rising
power with global appeal. Nonetheless, India will not join any gathering that
aims to undermine Russia, its long-standing and valued partner.
Kuleba
himself recognized this, explaining to India during his visit that their ties
with Russia, based on the "Soviet legacy," have no future. He
emphasized that it is the Ukraine-India relationship that holds promise, as
India can play a vital role not only in ensuring peace in Ukraine but also in
post-war reconstruction. However, India's response to Ukraine's offer is
unlikely to be affirmative.
India's
relationship with Russia is multi-dimensional and has stood the test of time.
Even after the Soviet Union's dissolution in 1991, India and Russia quickly
adapted to changing circumstances. Furthermore, India's growing proximity to
the United States to balance China has been accepted and understood by Moscow.
Russian
President Vladimir Putin, who recently secured a resounding victory in the
elections, has expressed this sentiment on numerous occasions. Putin was among
the early world leaders to recognize India's great power potential and
expressed Russia's deep desire to see it materialize.
In
return,India has valued its strategic partnership with Russia, which has
spanned defense cooperation, energy ties, and diplomatic support on various
international platforms. India sees Russia as a reliable partner that
understands its security concerns and has been a consistent ally on issues such
as Kashmir and counter-terrorism. Therefore, it is highly unlikely that India
will jeopardize this relationship by openly siding with Ukraine in a manner
that could antagonize Russia.
While India
may not participate in the peace conference as Ukraine desires, it will
continue to support a peaceful resolution to the conflict through diplomatic
channels. India has called for a dialogue-based solution and has expressed its
willingness to play a mediatory role if requested by both parties. This
approach aligns with India's broader foreign policy principles of
non-alignment, strategic autonomy, and promoting peace and stability.
In
conclusion, the Ukrainian Foreign Minister's visit to India reflects a shift in
Ukraine's approach towards India, driven by its self-interest in seeking
support for its peace conference and bilateral ties. However, India's stance on
the Ukraine-Russia conflict is unlikely to change significantly due to its
strategic partnership with Russia. While India will continue to support a
peaceful resolution, it is improbable that it will take actions that could
undermine its relationship with Russia.
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