By shutting the door on talks, Hurriyat has betrayed Kashmiris and Kashmiriyat
By Colonel Vivek Chadha
The separatists, through their stubborn and short-sighted approach, have lost the faith of moderate Muslims, who...
The separatists, through their stubborn and short-sighted approach, have lost the faith of moderate Muslims, who remain a vast majority in the Valley.
The events of the last week have been interpreted by some as the failure of the State to reach out to the separatist elements in Kashmir. On the face of it, this does seem to be the reality of the situation. However, a more deliberate analysis of the situation reveals an entirely different picture, which is far more disturbing for the forces of moderation.
The two visits undertaken by the Union home minister, with the second one having been as part of an all-party delegation, was an attempt at outreach to all segments of the society. While some sections did come out and interact, with a view to resolving the disturbing situation, as well as the long-term challenge, others like the Hurriyat, refused to to do so, shutting their doors on a unilateral and well-intentioned attempt at reconciliation.
If one were to relate this refusal to interact on part of the Hurriyat to the meetings that took place in 2010 under similar circumstances, which did lead to peace and reconciliation, the change in attitude can be attributed to three distinct factors, which seem to be driving their stubborn approach.
First, unlike last time, when the Hurriyat had greater control over the crowds, this time around, despite the brave face on display, the Hurriyat’s influence over the common man has receded. There is a feeling amongst certain hardline sections of the population that the Hurriyat has failed to lead them towards declared goals and objectives.
Therefore, even if they were to appeal for calm and stop protests, it is unlikely that the agitators would heed to such calls. The option that remains with the Hurriyat is either face the anger of their radical base, or ride the wave of protests.
The Hurriyat seems to have chosen the latter option. They have calculated the potential gains of emerging stronger after the crisis, since they visualise their emergence as the only separatist organisation, which will have the right to negotiate any future settlement with the government.
This might just work in the short-term. However, the long-term threat that emerges as a result of the same, has been lost sight of. And to understand that, the history of the separatist movement in Kashmir has lessons that must not be forgotten.
The first group of people who were hounded out of Kashmir were the Kashmiri Pandits. The selective killing of some and the fear psychosis that followed it, led to their mass exodus. This happened at the behest of a conniving Pakistan and freshly radicalised youth from the state.
The second wave of radical thought and rejection of moderation yet again sweeps the Valley. The target of radicalisation is not merely the Indian State, as may be seen on the streets of Kashmir. It is the voice of reason and moderation.
This voice of moderation does not only belong to the political leaders. It also represents parents who do not want their children’s future to be shrouded in darkness. It echoes in the calls for restraint.
This time around, the wrath of frenzy will not be borne by the Kashmiri Pandits. It has already started affecting the moderate Muslim families. It is these people who will look to escape the mindless violence and aimless stalling of state institutions. The common people who resented the checking of their vehicles by security forces, are facing the reality of young children stopping the same buses to frisk them for their "enemies".
This had led to some Muslims leaving Kashmir to seek normalcy beyond the state. This trickle emanates from moderate Muslims, who want their children to go to schools. It represents people who do not want the virus of radical thought to take their children on a path that will push them towards the same end as the one chosen by Burhan Wani.
It is this misdirection that the Hurriyat has indirectly encouraged in a bid to retain their relevance amongst their supporters. They have chosen the easier wrong that is reflected in the rejection of moderation to cement their position amongst their supporters and controllers across the LoC.
However, in doing so, they will continue to cede ground to rational moderate voices in Kashmir Valley, who want their normal lives back and along with it their self respect and honour.
The Hurriyat, through their stubborn and short-sighted approach has lost the faith of these moderates, who remain a vast majority in the state.
On the other hand, the radicalised youth can also see through the Hurriyat’s self-seeking ways, having been witness to their children having settled outside the state in comfortable and safe environs, even as they continue to call for others to sacrifice their lives. Thus, in the long term, the Hurriyat will not only become irrelevant for the moderates, but also the hardline youth.
Second, the Hurriyat by continuing on the path towards violence is contributing immensely to the radicalisation of Kashmiri society. Kashmiriyat, a term that is increasing being used by moderate voices today, does not merely represent the ethos of the society. It is both the shield against radical Islam and the glue, which bound different sections of Kashmiri society together.
Hurriyat’s adventurism threatens to loosen the bonds that Kashmiriyat represented. In doing so, they are unleashing the very monster that Pakistan attempted to create to contest India’s emergence, only to see it feed upon their own society.
The chimera of azadi, that is being shown to the people, is merely a tool to retain and regain power and influence. Ironically, it is a replica of Pakistan Army’s illusion of contesting India wanting to dismember Pakistan, that is sold to the population of the country in a bid to retain power.
Lastly, the Hurriyat, along with Pakistan, have underestimated the anger and disillusionment of the world at large with the employment of terrorism as an instrument of politics. It is for this reason that the diplomatic frenzy witnessed in Islamabad and Srinagar to internationalise the issue has been deflated in the face of global scrutiny.
The support of Pakistan that Syed Ali Shah Geelani uses as an anvil, is as credible as Pakistan’s own human rights record in Balochistan and PoK. This is all the more relevant, given their role in pushing small children in harm’s way in the Valley.
Pakistan has already succeeded in radicalising segments of Afghan society through their involvement there. It is surprising that sections within the Hurriyat are allowing them to play a similar role in Kashmir for their short-term gains.
It is often easier to choose the easier wrong in the face of the more difficult right. Kashmir is at the crossroads. The path being followed by the Hurriyat is likely to erode the moderate ethos of Kashmiri society, even as it will not get them the power they yearn for.
On the other hand, the option to contest what they see as injustice through dialogue, not only has better chances of success, but is also accompanied by strengthening of democratic values and traditions.
This, then, is truly the path of Kashmiriyat, Insaniyat and Jamooriyat that the Hurriyat must adopt, even it is for their parochial interest
With political outreach in trouble, security officials recommend crackdown on Kashmir violent protests
Ajai Shukla | New Delhi September 9, 2016
With political outreach in trouble, security officials recommend crackdown ...
By Ajai Shukla
With the security vacuum deepening in South Kashmir, security establishments in Srinagar & New Delhi are con...
With the security vacuum deepening in South Kashmir, security establishments in Srinagar & New Delhi are contemplating the use of armed force to regain control
As the security vacuum in South Kashmir deepens and azaadi (freedom) appears to be a real possibility to giddy crowds of stone-pelting youngsters, security establishments in Srinagar and New Delhi have begun contemplating the use of armed force to regain control of the Valley.
While hoping that political initiatives, such as the all-party parliamentarians outreach earlier this week, gain traction and calm tempers, senior police, intelligence and army officials are contemplating the contingency that they fail.
Influential officials in Srinagar argue that permitting large, impassioned crowds to gather everyday, shout anti-India slogans and use force, especially against the embattled Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) Police, are creating a dangerous momentum towards anarchy.
“Sooner or later, we will have to retake control in South Kashmir. The longer we wait, the more emboldened the protesters become, the more force will be required to deal with them”, an official told Business Standard.
When it was pointed out that a bloodbath would make the situation worse, the official opined there would not be much resistance to a determined security forces operation. “A month later, resistance would be heavier; and a month after that, it could be a bloodbath”, he said.
Both police and military officers concede that only the army seems capable of confronting the violent mobs. However, generals are loath to be involved in what commanders term “a law and order situation”.
Senior army commanders, including Lt Gen DS Hooda, the top army commander in J&K, signalled early in the agitation that the conflagration required political management, rather than treating it as a security problem. This has always been the army’s worst scenario --- the failure or abdication of political engagement, leading to the large-scale use of force.
During two months of almost daily violent protests since the July 8 killing of the Hizbul Mujahideen (HM) militant group’s South Kashmir commander, Burhan Wani, in an encounter near Kokarnag, violent protesters have operated unchecked over large areas south of Srinagar. After initially killing tens and wounding hundreds of violent protesters, many of whom were frontally assaulting police stations, the J&K Police has melted away. The army too has adopted a low-key, non-provocative profile.
Security managers had initially assumed that, in time-honoured Kashmiri manner, the cooling of anger over a few days of tight curfew, and an end to heavy-handed means — in this episode, the indiscriminate use of pellet guns — would restore normalcy. However, two months have elapsed and, earlier this week, separatist leaders rebuffed an all-party delegation of parliamentarians that travelled to Srinagar and tried in vain to break the deadlock.
After snubbing New Delhi’s political outreach, the Hurriyat Conference leadership, currently dominated by Syed Ali Shah Geelani, continues to issue “protest calendars” that lay down an agenda for daily protests.
Police officials, meanwhile, worry about the possibility of a serious provocation from the protesters unleashing savage retaliation from the J&K Police, or the Central Reserve Policy Force (CRPF), both of which are in frequent running confrontations with protesters while enforcing the curfew.
“A conflagration is waiting to happen. Sooner or later, some youngster will break and we will have another Gawkadal on our hands”, says a top police officer.
The reference is to a confrontation in 1990 between a CRPF detachment deployed on the Gawkadal Bridge in Srinagar, which opened fire after it was attacked by stone-pelting local residents. An estimated 50 locals were killed in that widely-condemned incident.
While the all-party parliamentarians’ delegation has recommended continued political engagement, including with the separatist leadership, the members of parliament (MPs) have also come back with a greater awareness of the seriousness of the challenge in the Valley. This was evident in their engagement with Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Wednesday.
Beyond the obvious challenge of violent protests, intelligence and police agencies in Kashmir have briefed the MPs about growing radicalisation, growing acceptance of the Islamic State ideology, increased infiltration of militants across the Line of Control, and the almost fervent embrace of these fighters by a local populace that was earlier wary of direct association with militants
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