Kayani fights to keep his job

Kayani fights to keep his job— New York Times News Service

Faces seething anger from Generals since Abottabad raid

ISLAMABAD: Pakistan's Army chief, the most powerful man in the country, is fighting to save his position in the face of seething anger from top Generals and junior officers since the U.S. raid that killed Osama bin Laden, according to Pakistani officials and people who have met the chief in recent weeks.

General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, who has led the Army since 2007, faces such intense discontent over what is seen as his cosy relationship with the United States that a Colonels' coup, while unlikely, was not out of the question, said a well-informed Pakistani who has seen the General in recent weeks, as well as a U.S. military official involved with Pakistan for many years.

The Pakistani Army is essentially run by consensus among 11 top commanders, known as the Corps Commanders, and almost all of them, if not all, were demanding that General Kayani get much tougher with the Americans, even edging toward a break, said Pakistanis who follow the Army closely.

Washington, with its own hard line against Pakistan, had pushed General Kayani into a defensive crouch, along with his troops, and if the General was pushed out, the United States would face a more uncompromising anti-American Army chief, said the Pakistani.

To repair the reputation of the Army, and to ensure his own survival, General Kayani made an extraordinary tour of more than a dozen garrisons, mess halls and other institutions in the six weeks since the May 2 raid that killed bin Laden to rally support among his rank-and-file troops, who were almost uniformly anti-American, according to participants and people briefed on the sessions.

During a long session in late May at the National Defence University, the premier academy in Islamabad, one officer got up after General Kayani's address and challenged his policy of cooperation with the United States. The officer asked, “If they don't trust us, how can we trust them?” according to Shaukaut Qadri, a retired Army Brigadier who was briefed on the session. General Kayani essentially responded, “We can't,” said Mr. Qadri.

Pressure from troops

In response to pressure from his troops, Pakistani and U.S. officials said, General Kayani had already become a more obstinate partner, standing ever more firm with each high-level U.S. delegation that has visited since the raid to try and rescue the shattered U.S.-Pakistani relationship.

A long statement after the regular monthly meeting of the 11 Corps Commanders last week illuminated the mounting hostility toward the United States, even as it remains the Army's biggest patron, supplying at least $2 billion a year in aid.

The statement, aimed at rebuilding the eroded support within the Army and among the public, said that U.S. training in Pakistan had only ever been minimal, and had now ended.

“It needs to be clarified that the Army had never accepted any training assistance from the United States except for training on the newly inducted weapons and some training assistance for the Frontier Corps only,” a reference to paramilitary troops in the northwest tribal areas, said the statement.

The statement said the CIA-run drone attacks against militants in the tribal areas “were not acceptable under any circumstances”.

Allowing the drones to continue to operate from Pakistan was “politically unsustainable”, said the well-informed Pakistani who met General Kayani recently. As part of his survival mechanism, General Kayani could well order the Americans to stop the drone programme completely, said the Pakistani.

The Pakistanis have already blocked the supply of food and water to the base used for the drones, a senior U.S. official said, adding that they were gradually “strangling the alliance” by making things difficult for the Americans in Pakistan.

The turmoil within the Pakistani Army has engendered the lowest morale since it lost the war in 1971 against East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, Army observers say. The anger and disillusionment stems from the Obama administration deciding not to tell Pakistan in advance about the bin Laden raid and that Pakistan was then unable to detect or stop it.

That bin Laden was living comfortably in Pakistan for years has evinced little outrage here among a population that has consistently told pollsters it is more sympathetic to al-Qaeda than to the United States.

Even a well-known pro-U.S. commander, Lieutenant-General Tariq Khan, who spent more than a year at Central Command headquarters in Tampa, Florida, after the September 11, 2001, attacks, had fallen in line with the new ultranationalist sentiment against the Americans, said a former Army officer. The anger at the Americans was now making it more difficult for General Kayani to motivate the Army to fight against the Pakistani Taliban in what is increasingly seen as a fight on behalf of the United States, said former Pakistani soldiers. “The feeling that they are fighting America's war against their own people has a negative impact on the fighting efficiency,” said Javed Hussain, a former special forces officer in the Pakistani military.

Discipline has become a worry, as has an open rebellion in the middle ranks of officers, particularly as rumours circulate that some enlisted men had questioned whether General Kayani and his partner, Lieutenant-General Ahmed Shuja Pasha, the head of the chief spy agency, the Directorate for the ISI, should remain in their jobs.

A special three-year extension General Kayani won in his position last year did not sit well among the rank and file who perceived it as having been pushed by the United States to keep its man in the top job. “Keeping discipline in the lower ranks is a challenge,” said Mr. Qadri, the retired Army Brigadier.

Competence questioned

General Kayani's problems have been magnified by a groundswell of unprecedented criticism from the public, questioning both the Army's competence and the lavish rewards for its top brass, something that also increasingly rankles modestly paid enlisted men. “Adding to this frustration and public pique is the lifestyle that the top brass of all the services has maintained,” wrote Talat Hussain, a prominent journalist who generally writes favourably about the military, in Monday's edition of the English-language newspaper Dawn.

“This is not a guns vs. butter argument, but a contrast between the reality of the life led by the military elite at state expense and the general situation for ordinary citizens.” 

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