The
image of China turning on the charm one minute, for instance during Xi’s 2014
visit to Australia, will be offset the next minute by news of controversial
land reclamation operations on a disputed shoal. While there are actors pushing
the government in a more provocative direction, there are also more moderate
voices, such as local governments and corporations investing in Southeast Asia
and some scholars, who urge the government to pursue a constructive agenda in
the region.158 They However, there is no evidence of a central
government-approved ‘grand plan’ that mandates different actors coercing other
claimants in a tailored way towards a mutual goal.
argue
that China continues to need a stable environment to prosper. Friendly
relations in the region are imperative to counter US influence. Constructive
relations with the United States also benefit China. If one looks beyond the
maritime sphere, many of the trade and investment policies that China
implements are welcomed in neighbouring countries. China will also continue to
develop its civilian law enforcement capabilities by strengthening its maritime
presence and its ability to police disputed waters. The new China Coast Guard
will not shy away from using its enhanced capabilities to coerce its neighbours
when deemed necessary. Some in China presume that this intimidation — both
psychological and the physical ‘bumping’ by Coast Guard vessels and use of
water cannon — will weaken other claimants’ resolve, especially if China’s
economy keeps growing and other claimants’ economic dependency on China grows
along with it.
It
is important to emphasise, as M. Taylor Fravel of the Massachusetts Institute
of Technology has, that China does not rely on its navy to assert its claims,
nor is China’s Coast Guard using weapons to drive home its message.159 The PLA
can be expected to remain an ‘over the horizon’ force, at least for the time
being.160 Whether the PLA will have a bigger role in coordinating tense
situations in disputed waters (as it apparently did with the ‘defence’ of the
HYSY-981 rig) is an open question. The recent increase in joint
military–civilian exercises could be an indication that the PLA aspires to that
role. Alternatively, the PLA’s role as a coordinator could prove to be an
exception that was prompted because of the ongoing restructuring problems
within the new China Coast Guard. Foreign and security policy serves Xi’s
domestic agenda. One cannot rule out the idea that some CPC leaders — possibly
Xi himself — want to create the image of China as a strong power by resorting
to harsh actions in the maritime sphere to counter the criticism the leadership
faces from its own citizens on domestic issues. These issues include social
injustice and hazardous pollution, both of which grind away at the Party’s
legitimacy and affect elites and the middle class. People are also frustrated
with the slow pace of economic reforms. The fierce propaganda war over maritime
rights will also continue. The more that outsiders perceive China as a bully,
the more difficult it is for anyone to write objectively about the maritime disputes
in China’s vicinity. For policy-makers in the region, the existence in China of
diverse, persistent, and nationalist maritime security actors is a source of
concern. So is the continuous uncertainty about the role of the PLA Navy. The
actors make China’s behaviour unpredictable because they can be expected to
continually stretch the boundaries of the permissible, using the pretext of
Xi’s very general guidelines on safeguarding The PLA can be expected to remain
an ‘over the horizon’ force, at least for the time being.
maritime
rights. These actors are also not united, which impedes coordination and
effective governance. Indeed, often fierce rivalry between these actors further
increases unpredictability. Consequently, there is a genuine risk of an
incident at sea (or in the air) spiralling out of control. The complex
interactions between China’s maritime security actors will keep the East and
South China Seas volatile.
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