Step 9–10: Institutional delegitimisation and leadership demonisation
As protests grow, the script moves to discredit every institution that stands between agitation and power. Courts are portrayed as captured or biased, the Election Commission as compromised, parliament as rubber stamp, and independent agencies as tools of vendetta.
This deep delegitimisation serves several purposes:
- It convinces citizens that reform through institutional channels is impossible.
- It justifies bypassing constitutional processes in favour of “direct action”.
- It primes the public to accept extra-constitutional power shifts as necessary corrections.
Analyses of regime change operations note that targeting the politico-business nexus is central to breaking the resource base of the ruling dispensation and dividing the elite. Psychologically, demonisation encourages personal hatred rather than policy critique, making compromise harder and confrontation more likely.
Step 11–12: Ring of fire and morale collapse
In parallel with internal agitation, adversaries attempt to build a “ring of fire” around the target state. For India, this could take the form of:-
- Border pressure through skirmishes and salami-slicing tactics.
- Unstable neighbours, covert support to insurgent or extremist groups, and refugee flows.
- Cyberattacks on infrastructure, financial systems, media houses, and government databases.
- Diplomatic campaigns to isolate India in regional or global forums.njips.
This multi-directional stress aims at exhausting the government, stretching security forces, and creating an impression of permanent crisis. In such an environment, narrative warriors repeatedly insist that “Bharat is finished”, that the best option for youth is to emigrate, and that collapse is inevitable.
National morale is systematically attacked. Hybrid warfare doctrines explicitly describe psychological operations targeting hope, patriotism, and trust, because a demoralised population is easier to manipulate and less willing to endure hardship for long-term national gains. Once despair sets in, people unconsciously assist in their own disempowerment.
Polarisation and elite fragmentation
The script then intensifies polarisation: religion against religion, caste against caste, young against elders, states against the Centre, and Indian against Indian. Misinformation campaigns highlight real and alleged injustices selectively, ensuring that each community sees itself as victim and others as oppressor.
Hybrid warfare research stresses that polarisation is not a side effect but a deliberate method: fragmenting society prevents unified national responses and allows external players to arbitrate conflicts. Social media echo chambers reinforce identity-based grievances, and any voice calling for balance or nuance is dismissed as “sold out” to one side.
As streets stay turbulent, the elites are quietly split. Ministers may distance themselves, bureaucrats hesitate to take firm decisions, and senior officials start preparing for “after”—imagining life under a new regime. In colour revolutions, a crucial tipping point often occurs when part of the ruling coalition defects, sensing which way the wind is blowing.
Targeting the last wall: state organs
Finally, the last wall is attacked: the organs that embody the state’s capacity to defend itself—police, military, and intelligence. Persistent narratives paint them as enemies of the people rather than protectors of order.
Tactics include:
- Highlighting isolated misconduct as evidence that entire forces are brutal or communal.
- Running campaigns to undermine respect for uniforms and ranks.
- Pushing stories that the security apparatus is divided, politicised, or ready to rebel.
A government struggles when streets are angry; a regime falls when the state apparatus either becomes neutral, paralysed, or actively changes sides. Deep state and foreign operations therefore focus on influencing senior commanders, intelligence chiefs, and police leadership through pressure, inducements, or international exposure.
In countries where colour revolutions succeeded, parts of the security forces eventually stood aside or refused to intervene decisively, allowing protest movements to occupy institutions and force leadership change. For India, ensuring the apolitical, constitutional loyalty of the armed forces and intelligence agencies is a critical safeguard against such scripts.
Replacement: malleable coalitions and temporary arrangements
Once the incumbent regime is sufficiently delegitimised and destabilised, a replacement is presented—usually a coalition of disparate groups united mainly by their opposition to the previous leadership. The new arrangement is often projected as “temporary”, “transitional”, or “national unity government”, but in practice it tends to be malleable and susceptible to continued external influence.
Analysts of deep state operations note that both in the West and in targeted countries, unelected networks—across intelligence, diplomacy, big tech, and global finance—retain real leverage, shaping the policy space within which elected leaders operate. The immediate post-regime-change phase often sees rapid policy shifts in areas of strategic interest to foreign powers, including defence alignments, economic concessions, and ideological repositioning.
In other words, regime change is not an end but a means: the objective is to install a dispensation more responsive to external preferences and less committed to independent civilisational goals. For an emerging superpower like Bharat, whose strategic autonomy threatens entrenched global hierarchies, this makes it a prime target for such scripts.
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