HAPPY INFANTRY DAY

Anybody who has ever donned a green beret would know how difficult it is to explain the Infantry as an arm. Although, ‘The Ultimate’ requires no illustrations, here is a kaleidoscope of myriad snippets which would, to certain extent, conjure up the vista of the soul and spirit of Infantry. *You never chose Infantry, rather Infantry is when destiny chose ‘you’ over the rest.* * Infantry is:-* - When a cold and shivering jawan gets you a cup of hot tea on a patrol break at 13,000 feet. - When your sixth sense tells you there is something wrong with a guy at 50 meters. - When you meet with an accident and the first thing you check is the serviceability of your legs. - When you speak the language of your boys. - When you sit from dusk to dawn in an ambush on Valentine’s Day, you know infantry is giving you the red rose. - When you are a master at pump stove, lanterns, solar lights, bukharis and travelling in trains without reservations. - When you know more about cramps and cold injuries than your average doctor. - When a girl in the pub is indicated by clock-ray method. - When only your Sahayak can dig out the thing you want from your rucksack. - When your pain submits to your will. - When you find it funny when your relative says he’s going on a holiday to a hill station. - When your Arm ie Infantry, is a matter of discussion during marriage proposals. - When you do not believe in ghosts but do believe in Peer Baba and other high altitude babas. - When you know the real meaning of camouflage, in field, in parties, in unit routine and in your own house. - When you can live, anywhere, with anybody, on anything that nature can offer. - When you know this LMG will be resited by everybody up the ladder, till it comes back to where you had sited it initially. - When somebody asks, “Do you play Golf?” and you look at the brass on your shoulder and say “Not yet!” - When you are the biggest consumer of foot powder, DMP oil, water sterilization kit, ORS packets and Meals Ready to Eat in the Army. - When you gave it all that you have got, and some more. - When you are the only one to get trained in bayonet fighting. And expect it to happen. - When your girlfriend thinks you are Rambo, Commando, Gladiator and Braveheart, all rolled into one. Your Commanding Officer, by the way, thinks you are none. - When you get lost in a multiplex with signboards but are at ease in a jungle with a compass. - When you can die for, what you have lived for. Doff my hat to my Infantry brethrens. Warm Regards

Why the Indian Army handles stress better than all other armies

Why the Indian Army handles stress better than all other armies Published October 20, 2015 A commentary on Indian society and the Indian Army’s Regimentation; why this support system for soldiers is still the best The trigger for this piece is a question from a Facebook friend, to whom I am most thankful. The question alluded to reasons why Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) is so rampant in the US and indeed other Armies operating in areas such as Afghanistan and Iraq and in the same light what is the experience of the Indian Army with PTSD in our operational areas. This is as good a question as any and why it never struck me to write on this earlier beats me. Perhaps I am just presumptuous and I take our Army for granted just as so many others among my countrymen do. A saving grace is that in 2011 while in command of 15 Corps in Kashmir I instituted a study to examine stress levels in my Corps which undoubtedly has the highest level of operational engagements anywhere in the Army. 7000 officers and men were given an instrument by my outstanding medical staff, whose contributions remain a little unsung in the world of machismo and a bit of ‘ramboism’. The reason for this was the run of suicides we were hit with. The study did help the Army’s outstanding doctors to arrive at various reasons for suicides but that is not the subject of this essay although I do not wish to underplay the findings. The study helped me as an individual to arrive at my own reasons for the levels of stress or lack of it in operational areas all over the Army’s vast deployment. Let me describe three scenarios from my own operational experience. The first is from Op Pawan, the IPKF’s long drawn deployment in India’s first out of area operation (OOAP). The second is from the LoC where I take the case of a unit deployed in a mode to ensure the sanctity of the LoC (which essentially means, no change to its current status, which in turn means that not an inch of the territory in our control should change ownership) and prevent any infiltration of terrorists from POK. And, the third is of an RR unit deployed in depth but close to a forested area with population centres nearby in Kashmir. These are classic examples of the way Infantry and some other Arms function in operational areas. After the blood and gore of the intense phase of operations in the Jaffna Peninsula in Oct-Jan 1987 the IPKF settled to more routine counter insurgency (CI) operations. There was really nothing routine about them because the LTTE’s well-trained cadres fought almost like regulars and less like militants. Units were deployed in company groups at operating bases (COBs) with an area of responsibility. The LTTE could muster as many as 100-200 men at a given point and if ambushed could actually conduct counter ambush drills to break the ambush, quite unlike militants. Their own ambushes were well sited, in large numbers and almost always accompanied by IEDs. Patrols which went out could not let down their guard even within hundred meters from the gate of their posts. Units which remained inside posts without dominating their periphery suffered because the approaches were mined by daring young tigers that crept up as close as ten meters from posts. Trees were booby trapped as were bushes. On the coastline near the town of Mullaitivu an attempt to occupy posts with 20 men or so met with response from 50 or more militants, leading to the Army suffering heavy casualties. Leave parties left and arrived once in three weeks when the road was opened and there was no certainty about reaching destinations without an engagement. As a company commander, if I went on an operation with two platoons I always remained worried about the state of security at my COB where only 20 men were left. Equally when I was at the COB I was always ready to rush for reinforcement of any other company or my own men out on operations. So what can be expected in such an environment except a severe state of tension especially since failure meant loss of quite a few lives. The Indian Army takes casualties with much concern and a high loss of lives without commensurate infliction of higher losses on the adversary is hugely frowned upon, leading to even accusations of inaction and cowardice on part of officers. An entry such as this in your CR means the end of career. neww_imgt The LoC deployment is in posts and picquets and in some places can be as low as eight men. In the Uri sector is a high altitude area of height 14000 feet and more where snow levels top 35 feet and the area of approximately a company plus (functionally 120 men) is cut off for six months. Extremely difficult evacuation of sick soldiers or casualties by helicopter is possible only with severe risk. The evacuation of small posts to reach the mother post before heavy snow sets in is always fraught with danger and is a unit commander’s nightmare. That leaves routes open which terrorists could sneak through with risk only terrorists can take. Every year a few frozen bodies of dead terrorists are found. In summer, isolated posts can be attacked by Pakistan regulars mixed with terrorists (BAT teams). So can our logistics parties which carry out advance winter stocking for almost six months and move on predictable routes every day, be ambushed en route by shallow raiding Pakistan elements. By day it is essential to carry out snow clearance in winter. In summer there is the challenge of carrying water from sources which keep receding to a far distance (there is no system of bottled water in the Army). Then comes night and four to six man ambushes have to be deployed along the LoC fence from last light to well after first light. To ensure the right density a major part of the sub unit remains deployed along the LoC Fence and the remaining personnel ensure the security of the post. A brief description of the functioning of RR units on the CT grid is outlined. Every RR unit has its peculiar area of operations. The threat is of standoff fire by terrorists or sneak attacks on posts and not large scale attacks of the LTTE kind. In today’s environment the RR unit’s source of tension is more from bandhs and stone throwing mobs which target their vehicles or patrols. Quick thinking independent decisions are required from junior leaders keeping propriety in mind and degree of response. Small vehicle convoys have been targeted by mobs leaving soldiers in quandary over the need to fire or not to save themselves and Government property. The pressure for results in urban areas and nearby forests is ever present and unit commanders drive their troops to ensure domination and control, gain intelligence and execute innovative operations while seeking contact. I would classify tension here as high but lower than the LoC where threat to life and possibility of adverse contact is far higher. The tour of duty for Indian soldiers is usually two to three years; that of troops of western armies is six months. Despite terrain constraints the western armies depend far more on helicopter support for logistics and even for bail outs in adverse tactical situations; not so in the Indian Army except for casualty evacuation. The Indian soldier as much as the western one does not fear for his life, but prevailing uncertainty and lack of rest are two major factors for stress. Climatic conditions in high altitude areas can be a major source of tension and if soldiers fear anything it is the effects of climate. Avalanches top the list. In Sri Lanka where operational conditions were far more life threatening I used to look into the eyes of my soldiers and draw solace from that; hardly ever did I find fear writ on their faces. If there was it was due to the possibility of being isolated or detached from the subunit. The necessity of buddy contact was essential. One does not fear for life but of being detached from the subunit or being taken prisoner. What is remarkable is the complete lack of emotions to losses of even close buddies in operations. Our soldiers take the disorder of battle extremely well as well as deprivation of comforts. I always emphasized on the need for ‘sleep/rest management’ of the soldiers because that is an area which is usually neglected by the leadership. Soldiers cannot be expected to function 24×7 but the demands of their responsibility expect exactly that. On the LoC night and day is the same in terms of alert. There are cases of suicides but hardly ever is this work related. The availability of the mobile phone acts as the biggest threat. In the tense environment of the LoC or RR related operations bad news from home can act as a trigger. In many such instances it is young soldiers unable to bear the additional tension of problems at home; problems as seemingly irrelevant as a newlywed wife unable to get along with the mother in law. Sitting far away on a remote post the immediate world around the soldier may be perceived by him to be within his control but not the world around his home where the problems affect him much more. In his post or on patrol he can still share his immediate concern about safety with his buddy or his superior but sharing home based problems is a greater challenge. Marital problems are one dimension, property problems in rural areas and absence at crucial moments when something legal is involved can be extremely stressful. While leave policy of units is always liberal and the government has sanctioned two free trips home with other trips at concessional rates it is a question of timing. Everyone cannot be away from duty at harvest time or during festivals and that is a problem which the units minimize through whatever they can do to compensate. The experience of western armies has been the inability of returning soldiers to merge in society; that is a form of PTSD or an effect. Loss of partners while they were away, inability to concentrate on jobs, fits of anger and regret due to unpalatable actions in dealing with aliens and innocents in way off lands, etc; all add to the terrible isolation that individual citizens feel in developed societies. That is the saving grace of Indian society where despite prickly problems of farmer suicides or rural poverty there is family and societal support for those who are away serving the nation. It may all disappear in due course and the mishandling of OROP may very well contribute to the soldier’s dwindling confidence in the support system which Indian society and family system continues to provide. More than anything else the psychological well-being of soldiers is contingent upon the efficient functioning of the Regimental system of the Indian Army. To a visiting DG of a CAPF I strongly recommended a day be spent with an RR unit. This was in response to his query as to what makes an RR unit tick and achieve so much. He was kind to take my advice, spent a day at Baramula and then rang me up to say that he had got the answer. Bonding of the cap badge and the lanyard has been taken by the Indian Army to such a high level that camaraderie is natural; a soldier’s problems, from womb to tomb (notwithstanding stray cases of neglect of widows reported once in a while) are the unit’s problems. There has been much talk of diluting the Regimental system; the British could not help it and had to compromise with theirs due to downsizing. They taught us what Regimentation means; today the Indian Army can teach them a few lessons in psychological strengthening of soldiers through the Regimental system. It is not all rosy. Society is changing very rapidly in India. The haloed identity of the soldier is being hugely compromised by the needless rancor over OROP which the government should consider a sensible investment in the social stability of the armed forces. The unfortunate thing in India is that decision makers have very little idea about the profession of arms, perceiving it to be a contractual profession; the soldier’s functioning is as yet not contractual but with the complete lack of understanding in a fast changing society all that differentiates the Indian Army from western armies may well collapse. That will be a sad day indeed and a rebirth for Indian military sociology.

STORY LT ARUN KHETRPAL INDIAN ARMY MUST RAD

In 2001, Brigadier M.L. Khetarpal (Father of Late 2 Lt Arun Khetarpal, PVC) now 81 years old - felt a strong desire to visit his birthplace at Sargodha, now in Pakistan. At Lahore airport, Brigadier M.L. Khetarpal was met by Brigadier Khawja Mohammad Naser, who took it upon himself to be Brigadier M.L. Khetarpal’s host and guide. Brigadier Naser really went out of way to ensure that Brigadier M.L. Khetarpal had a satisfying and nostalgic visit to his old house in Sargodha. Upon his return to Lahore he was once again the guest of Brigadier Naser for three days. Brigadier M.L. Khetarpal was overwhelmed by the extreme kindness, deference, courtesy and respect bestowed upon him by Brigadier Naser and by all the members of his family and his many servants. However Brigadier Khetarpal felt that something was amiss but could not make out what it was. Was it the long silences that punctuated their animated conversation or was it the look of compassion in the eyes of the women in the family? He could not make out but was sure he was being treated as someone very special. Finally, on the last night before Brigadier M.L. Khetarpal's departure, Brigadier Naser said 'Sir, there is something that I wanted to tell you for many years but I did not know how to get through to you. Finally, fate has intervened and sent you to me as an honoured guest. The last few days we have become close to one another and that has made my task even more difficult. It is regarding your son who is, of course, a national hero in India. However on that fateful day, your son and I were soldiers, unknown to one another, fighting for the respect and safety of our respective countries. I regret to tell you that your son died in my hands. Arun's courage was exemplary and he moved his tank with fearless courage and daring, totally unconcerned about his safety. Tank casualties were very high till finally there were just two of us left facing one another. We both fired simultaneously. It was destined that I was to live and he was to die. "It was only later that I got to know how young he was and who he was. I had all along thought that I would ask your forgiveness, but in telling the story I realize that there is nothing to forgive. Instead I salute your son for what he did at such a young age and I salute you too, because I know how he grew into such a young man. In the end it is character and values that matter." Brigadier M.L. Khetarpal was silent as he did not know how to react. To be enjoying the hospitality of the person who had killed his son was a confusing feeling. However being a soldier himself he genuinely admired the chivalry of an officer whose complete squadron was decimated by his son. Both the Brigadiers retired for the night deep in thought. There are never any victors in war; both sides lose and it is the families that have to pay the price and suffer the most. As someone once said 'Wars are created by politicians, compounded by bureaucrats and fought by soldiers.' The next day photographs were taken and Brigadier M.L. Khetarpal returned back to Delhi. Later the photos reached Delhi along with a note from Brigadier Naser that said: With Warmest regards and utmost sincerity, To: Brigadier M.L. Khetarpal, Father of Shaheed Second Lieutenant Arun Khetarpal, PVC, (who stood like an unsurmountable rock, between the victory and failure, of the counter attack by the 'SPEARHEADS' 13 LANCERS on 16 December 1971 in the battle of "Bara Pind' as we call it and battle of "Basantar' as 17 Poona Horse remembers

IS INDIA TOOTH LESS AGAINST TERROR ATTACKS

http://www.newindianexpress.com/magazine/voices/India-Toothless-Against-Terror-Unless-We-Remedy-Policy-Law-and-Justice/2015/10/10/article3069765.ecePrakash Singh10th October 2015 10:00 PM Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during his recent visit to the US, deplored that the United Nations had not been able to arrive at a definition of terrorism even after 70 years of its existence. “If defining it (terrorism) takes so much time, then how many years will it take to tackle terrorism,”he said. It is a fact that since 2000, the UN has been examining a draft paper on Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism. Opinion continues to be sharply divided over the definition of terrorism. One man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter. It is unlikely that the differences would be resolved in the near future. However, the democratic countries generally agree on the ingredients of terrorism—that it is a criminal act which may involve killings, random or selective; the proximate target may be an individual but the ultimate target are the people; responsibility for violence is generally acknowledged; and that it thrives on outside support, which may be in terms of money, armaments or sanctuaries. The absence of a definition cannot be an excuse for not taking effective measures to tackle it. According to a recent report, Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) has mobilised terrorists belonging to groups like the Lashkar-e-Toiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed, Hizbul Mujahideen as well as Sikh militants for joint strikes in Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir, Delhi and other parts of India during the coming festival season. How are we going to deal with the threat? The government of India, on its part, would issue an alert to the state governments, which it has already done. State governments will pass on the information to the district police and intelligence agencies, and these would in turn pass them on to police stations. And, in the event of an actual incident, there would be the usual blame game between the Central and the state governments. We have been witnessing this brutal opera year after year. The police station is the basic unit that has to respond first and face the brunt of a terrorist attack. This unit continues to be very fragile. Manpower is inadequate, duties are round the clock, and the infrastructure in terms of buildings, transport, communications and forensic support is extremely poor. State governments unfortunately do not look upon expenditure for upgrade of capabilities of the police as an investment. The insensitivity of the bureaucracy to the simplest demands of the police is amazing. The Central government informed the Delhi High Court on September 30 that it was not in a position to sanction funds to augment the strength of Delhi Police by 16,000 personnel. The court expressed its unhappiness that the proposal in this regard was pending for the last three years. “You are worried about expenditure concerns but citizens of Delhi are worried about their security,” the court remarked. Expansion apart, there are huge vacancies. Across the country, more than five hundred thousand posts are lying vacant in different ranks. Tackling terrorism requires basically three things: clear policy, stringent laws and a good criminal justice system. We are deficient under all the three heads. We blame the UN for not defining terrorism, but we have not cared to define our own policy of dealing with terror. Merely saying ‘zero tolerance’ is not enough. Regarding a stringent law, there is terrible confusion in the country. Laws are passed and then allowed to lapse. We had TADA followed by POTA, and currently we have Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. The UAPA may have served our purpose to an extent, but considering the horrifying dimensions of terrorism in its latest avatar, with monsters of the Islamic State having registered their presence within the country, law needs to be given more teeth. About criminal justice system, the less said the better. Ten years ago, Justice Malimath said that it was “virtually collapsing”. The situation is worse today. We signed a Joint Declaration with the US on Combating Terrorism on September 23. It reaffirmed “the commitment of India and the United States to combat terrorism in all its forms which constitute a profound threat to global peace and security and to uphold our common values of democracy, justice and the rule of law”. Noble sentiments! However, we must remember that it is our battle and ultimately we shall have to fight it with our own strength. Singh is a former DG BSF and DGP UP, and an expert on internal security

The tale of an infantry spouse

The tale of an infantry spouse Chitra Jha October 26, 2011 I started my life as an infantry spouse way back in 1984. I was a young girl with stars in my eyes and a spring in my walk. Life seemed beautiful, to say the least. I looked forward to happy matrimony and togetherness. But destiny had some other plans. Within a fortnight of our marriage, my husband got posted to Ladakh. I was working in Kolkata , which also happened to be my in-laws city, so I stayed put there, pacified by a promise of frequent communication. Those were the days when the postman had the power to make or break our day; and the shrewd fellow knew it. His comings and goings were carefully monitored by all, but especially by the 'separated' families. There were wonderful days when the postman brought 3-4 letters at one go, but these bountiful days were preceded and followed by many 'dry' days. To be fair to the infantryman, the fault didn't lie with him as he was sincerely writing a letter a day, (which was something that my in-laws just couldn't believe) …the real culprit was the weather and the terrain. His high altitude post was dependent upon air support for day to day maintenance, which had its own limitations. Our communication was dependent upon factors beyond our control, and even when it did happen, we always received stale news, which was at least a week old. Now when I think of those days, I can still feel the excitement and the disappointment each day brought. Finally, 'peace' dawned in the form of a posting to Kanpur, and I was ecstatic. Life in the 'paltan' was full of fun because we had a wonderful crowd. Setting up a home in our two-room quarter boosted my spirits, until one fine winter evening, my husband announced that he was leaving for some firing or something the very next day. I recall the tears that wouldn't stop flowing. Poor hubby didn't know how to handle them. Help came in the form of a senior officer's wife, who understood that my tears were not only for the impending separation but also for the lack of another quilt to keep me warm at night. An offer for quilts and moving into the neighbour's spare bedroom was made but I chose to go home to my mother instead. My 'maika' remained a great support even during our next posting. I was seven months pregnant with our first child when we reached Udhampur one fine afternoon, only to be told that the officer was slated to go for some firing for about two weeks the very next morning. I realised the ubiquitous connection between my husband's firing expeditions and my parents' welcoming arms; and off I went to my 'maika' once again. In those days traveling was not as easy as it is now, but that is another story… The third posting to Dehradun coincided with our younger son's birth. Within two weeks of our arrival at the Indian Military Academy (IMA), the junior decided to pop out, even though it was the P.O.P (passing out parade :- the famous commissioning parade) time. Poor chap didn't know how busy his dad was going to be at that time. Four days after his birth, when we were discharged from the hospital, I boarded the IMA bus with the baby in one hand and the suitcase in another. The hubby dear was surprised to see us, as he was just taking off in an ambulance to bring us home. I have a feeling that he was secretly relieved and proud of his independent wife! By now, I was a mother of two, who had understood that God helps those who help themselves; and that was the beginning of a new empowered me. I handled everything from children's immunisations to their college education; from household budget to stock market investments; and everything in between. Today, after 26 years of married life, when I look back, I see the distance I have travelled. The best thing that ever happened to me was marrying an infantry officer. Frequent separations (and I didn't run off to the 'maika' anymore), challenges of single-handedly parenting two growing up boys, and the modern pace of life saw me blossoming from a simple small town girl to an efficient army wife. Over the years, I have grown exponentially and a lot of credit goes to our infantry way of life. Now, the separations have become few and far between. Children have flown the nest. I have more time to develop my hitherto dormant skills, and life feels wonderful. When I look at the young brides of today, and hear their cribs about the husbands not being there when they need them, I think of my own self at that age. Little do these young girls know that these are the times that will strengthen them for life. I have tried saying it in that many words but have realized the futility of imparting wisdom before its time. In my heart of hearts I know that these very girls will one day share their stories of triumphant and empowerment, courtesy the infantry way of life. Moving from place to place, adjusting in all kinds of accommodations, queuing up for children's school admissions, not being able to reach the near and dear ones when required etc build a character that is made of steel and yet carries a rare compassion for others in similar situations. Things have changed a lot during these 26 years; both in the army and in the general way of life. Cell phones have not only lessened our dependence on the postman, but also made a mockery of the distance; hence, separation is not that unbearable as it used to be in our days. Infantry battalions have more light vehicles and all officers own four wheelers, so new born babies don't arrive home in a bus or a three ton. But all said and done, there is no challenge greater and more fulfilling than being an infantry wife. The camaraderie of an infantry paltan, the feeling of being in a home away from home, the strong bonds between friends, and of course, the growth that comes from a life lived to the fullest, can't be described in words. The field-peace-field tenures make us infantry wives stronger in all respects, and that is our triumph, our glory, and our victory. And, how can I forget the children? They are the biggest beneficiaries of this nomadic life. Moving from place to place, they learn the important skill of being able to adjust under all circumstances. Going to ten schools in twelve years makes them learn how to prove themselves time and again, not only to their teachers but also to themselves. They also learn how to make friends easily and yet not get too attached to them. Of course, communication and soft skills come easily to all 'fauji' kids, and infantry kids are no exception! In our case, the satisfaction of parenting two successful boys has made life all the better! Today I am 52 but haven't lost the stars in my eyes and the spring in my walk…. Thank you, Infantry

मालूम नही किसने लिखा है, पर क्या खूब लिखा है..

मालूम नही किसने लिखा है, पर क्या खूब लिखा है.. नफरतों का असर देखो, जानवरों का बटंवारा हो गया, गाय हिन्दू हो गयी ; और बकरा मुसलमान हो गया. मंदिरो मे हिंदू देखे, मस्जिदो में मुसलमान, शाम को जब मयखाने गया ; तब जाकर दिखे इन्सान. ये पेड़ ये पत्ते ये शाखें भी परेशान हो जाएं अगर परिंदे भी हिन्दू और मुस्लमान हो जाएं सूखे मेवे भी ये देख कर हैरान हो गए न जाने कब नारियल हिन्दू और खजूर मुसलमान हो गए.. न मस्जिद को जानते हैं , न शिवालों को जानते हैं जो भूखे पेट होते हैं, वो सिर्फ निवालों को जानते हैं. अंदाज ज़माने को खलता है. की मेरा चिराग हवा के खिलाफ क्यों जलता है...... मैं अमन पसंद हूँ , मेरे शहर में दंगा रहने दो... लाल और हरे में मत बांटो, मेरी छत पर तिरंगा रहने दो....  जिस तरह से धर्म मजहब के नाम पे हम रंगों को भी बांटते जा रहे है कि हरा मुस्लिम का है और लाल हिन्दू का रंग है तो वो दिन दूर नही जब सारी की सारी हरी सब्ज़ियाँ मुस्लिमों की हों जाएँगी और हिंदुओं के हिस्से बस टमाटर,गाजर और चुकुन्दर ही आएंगे! अब ये समझ नहीं आ रहा कि ये तरबूज Watermelon किसके हिस्से में आएगा ? ये तो बेचारा ऊपर से मुस्लमान और अंदर से हिंदू ही रह जायेगा... Flushed faceSmiling face with smiling eyes

CHINA FACTOR IN NEPAL CRISIS

China factor in Nepal constitution crisis cannot be ignoredR.S.N.Singh | | 3 October, 2015 image China factor in Nepal constitution crisis cannot be igno... The Constituent Assembly of Nepal delivered a new Constitution on 20 September this year, the eighth Constitution since 1948. It comes after seven years of heartbur... View on www.sundayguardianli... Preview by Yahoo The Chinese took unprecedented interest in influencing the framing of the document. The Constituent Assembly of Nepal delivered a new Constitution on 20 September this year, the eighth Constitution since 1948. It comes after seven years of heartburns, intransigence and delays, primarily owing to the Maoists. If the birth pangs are any indicator, the endurance of this Constitution is debatable. Half of Nepal is unhappy and in the throes of violence. The Terai — or the plains of Nepal, home to nearly 50% of the population — has witnessed more than 40 killings. The Constitution has provoked the Terai (plains)-Pahari (hill) divide to new levels. The consequent instability is impacting India and, not in the least, China. The two countries share 1,751 kilometres and 1,414 kilometres of boundary with Nepal, respectively. Not only the people of Nepal are split over the Constitution on demographic lines, the document has divided the country into pro-India and pro-China segments. The Chinese took unprecedented interest in influencing the framing of the document. In August, even as the Constituent Assembly was debating the new Constitution, very senior ministers from China including Foreign Minister Wang Yi visited Nepal. The other dignitaries, who visited in the same period, were Vice-Minister Chen Fengxiang and Assistant Minister Dou Enyong. The Chinese weight on Constitution making in Nepal became very evident in March, when the Maoist leader Prachanda was invited by China. Prachanda was reportedly asked by the Chinese authorities to back the Constitution. On 26 September, the former Prime Minister of Nepal, and one of the founders of the Maoist party UCPN (Maoist), Baburam Bhattarai resigned over his concern for Madhesis. He not only quit Parliament but also resigned from the primary membership of the party. Bhattarai was, however, chased out in Janakpur by a Madhesi crowd when he refused to burn a copy of the Constitution. Bhattarai’s resignation can have several motives and interpretations. In the Chinese scheme of geopolitical strategy, it is not uncommon to leverage on a target country through various unsuspecting machinations. The Maoists and the CPN(UML) are two distinct and unabashed Chinese leverages in Nepal. The 1962 India-China War served as a fillip to the communists and anti-India forces in Nepal, who began opposing the presence of the Indian Military Liaison Group (IMLG). The IMLG was eventually withdrawn in 1970. It is rather confounding that the Maoists, who were comprehensively defeated and relegated to the third place in the Constituent Assembly elections in 2013, should have found such a disproportionate voice towards the end of the Constitution making process. All through they held the CA hostage with their intransigence over “unanimity”. Some subterranean leverages were also created and activated by China to ensure the promulgation of the Constitution, despite deep reservations of not only India, but also the President of Nepal. These leverages extended to the Nepali Congress as well. There have been reports to suggest that large sums of Chinese money, ostensibly meant for rehabilitation and relief of earthquake victims were diverted to political parties and personalities. Morally, in the formulation of a sacred document like the Constitution, the members of the Constituent Assembly should be allowed to vote as per the conscience, but tragically, political parties resorted to “whips”. Such was the level of intimidation and inducement that out of 598 members, 507 voted “for”, and 65 abstained. The 25 members of the pro-Hindu Rashtra party, the Rashtriya Prajatantrik Party voted “against” and most Madhesh based parties boycotted. India’s immediate reach-out to Nepal during the earthquake in April this year was lauded the world over for its promptness and scale. Nepal Prime Minister Sushil Koirala had said: “We are really blessed to have a neighbour like India.” The Maoists, however, resented India’s popularity and launched a vicious defamation campaign at the behest of China. In those days, a photograph in which Prachanda was seen addressing a rally in the backdrop a banner, “Indian Relief a Threat to Nepal”, went viral. This was at a time when the tragedy in Nepal had cost 9,000 lives. Prachanda indeed is inured to such tragedies. After all, he perpetrated a decade long insurgency in Nepal, which claimed 16,000 lives. The Maoist leadership, it may be mentioned, was protesting against the proposed federal structure and was championing the cause of dividing Nepal in deference to various ethnicities or janjatis, i.e. Rai, Magar, Limbu, Newars, Gurungs, etc. This had the backing of some Western countries, particularly Scandinavian, impelled by the agenda of religious conversion. These countries, with the conversion agenda, have been sympathetic and supportive to the Maoists in Asia. It is engendered by the simple reason that the societal and religious unsettling process unleashed by the Maoists, creates a favourable environment for religious conversions. The phenomenon impacts India as well. Both China and the Western world were, therefore against the continuation of Hindu status of Nepal, constitutionally. Nevertheless, China, as India, was against too many federal units in Nepal, as it felt that it would lead to destabilisation and impact adversely on the security environment in Tibet. Further, to further tighten its stranglehold on Nepal’s polity, China has been on an overdrive, espousing the candidature of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) chief, K.P. Oli for Prime Minister. India did send its envoy, S. Jaishankar to Nepal, to prevail on it for the postponement of promulgation of the Constitution till the Madhesis and the Tharus, who constitute 70% of the Terai population, came onboard and the document had broad-based ownership. It was too late. The vote in the Constituent Assembly by then had been cast, and the major political parties were determined in their intention, override Indian concerns. Also, last minute efforts in this regard by the Indian ambassador in Nepal, Ranjit Rae were spurned. It is no secret, therefore, that on the chessboard of geopolitics, the first round has gone to China. Complicit in this geopolitical victory of China are the Chinese leverages in India as well. It began during the period of the last UPA dispensation, which had outsourced India’s Nepal policy to the leftists. An Indian university dominated by leftists and supporters of the Maoists played no mean role. This university serves as the bridge between the Maoists in India and Nepal. Together, these forces ensured that the historical binding force of Nepal’s nationhood, i.e., Hindu moorings, was done away with, even in the absence of a whimper of demand to that effect. This was one of the first things done by the Maoist regime on assumption of power in Nepal. In the same vein, the new Constitution of Nepal has declared Nepal a “secular” state. After much protest and pressure, it has made a small concession in this regard, in that it later included “preservation of dharma sanskriti (religion and culture that has been in existence for generations)”. Those opposing the abandonment of Nepal’s “Hindu” status are convinced that the term “secularism” in the preamble has been introduced at the behest of China, the Communists and the Church. Some argue that this move has an inherent anti-India bias or even disdain for India. Compared to China, India has far greater security stakes in the type of federal structure in Nepal. Nepal’s border with China is forbidding due to altitude and in-hospitability. On the other hand, the India-Nepal boundary has been a nagging concern for India, serving as a facilitator for terrorists, smugglers, human traffickers and elements inimical to India. Even the Maoist leaders of Nepal in their decade-long insurgency slipped in and out of India at will, notwithstanding Prachanda’s hostility towards India. In his underground avatar, he had said in an interview, that he was convinced that one day he will have to fight the Indian Army. Yet, in deference to Nepal’s sensitivities — and given the religious, social and cultural bonds — the contemplation of militarising the border has been a revolting proposition for India. It is a geopolitical truism, by virtue of India’s long border, majorly in the plains, the densest demography of Nepal — almost 50% of the population — impacts India. Dense populations pose a variety of security challenges and their destabilisation can cause nightmares to neighbouring countries, as did the East Pakistan crisis. It is, therefore, of critical interest to India that fewer provinces of Nepal have geographical, demographic and security interface. Nepal’s Constitution-makers have but done the opposite. The seven provinces have been carved out to cause India’s marginalisation in its interface with Nepal and at the same time ensuring advantage to China. The delineation rewards the hill people and perpetuates their domination of politics in the country. Out of the 165 seats in Parliament, the hill and mountain people would have monopoly over 100, while the Terai would be represented by only 65 seats despite having 50% of the population. Only one province, comprising eight districts, has been constituted into a province. The rest 14 districts have been joined with the hill districts, which, in effect, reduce them to a minority. Although the President, the Vice President and Deputy Prime Minister are from Terai, they had no say in the drafting process. Cleverly, the Constitution was hijacked by the Koirala-Oli-Prachanda combine. It is also a geopolitical truism that India, due to its geographical interface with Terai, holds the lifeline to a land-locked Nepal. China, with all its infrastructure growth in Tibet, cannot supplant this lifeline on any enduring basis. The Madhesis in Nepal have economically crippled Terai and consequently rest of the country. Nepal, as a substitute, has urged China to open two trade routes, i.e., Barbise-Tatopani-Khasa and Nuwakot-Rasuaghadi-Kerung. These have been out of operation since the earthquake. The disruption in the lifeline is not on account of India, but because of a blockade by a segment of the Nepalese people of Terai. For Nepal’s dispensation, it is no gain blaming India. It is also no gain whipping up “anti-India” sentiments. In the past, this discourse has been mischievously used by pro-China forces in Kathmandu and Delhi to put India on the defensive. The bluff this time must be called. In the worst case scenario, even if 50% of Nepal’s population gets anti-India, the remaining half will still be with India. It would still be a reckonable percentage to negate Chinese machinations in Nepal. Nepal is at an epoch-making juncture. India cannot allow a new Nepal to dilute its sub-continental moorings and fall prey to Chinese machinations. Our sanctimonious religious and social connect to Nepal has to be reclaimed from China-inspired anti-India forces in Nepal. Indian security interests cannot be sacrificed for the sake of a Constitution prepared through less than transparent, if not subverted, process. Col R.S.N. Singh (Retd) is a South Asia specialist

INDIAS AYUB KHAN 1965 WAR HERO

INDIAS AYUB KHAN 1965 WAR HERO Decorated with a Vir Chakra for leading an attack that destroyed four tanks, Risaldar Ayub Khan shared a name with the Pakistani president who ordered the invasion of India in 1965.Captain Ayub Khan. India's Ayub came from a family of soldiers and made his country proud. He was also a two-time MP. Prakash Bhandari met the 82-year-old war hero at his ancestral home in a Rajasthan village. Captain Ayub Khan receives the Vir Chakra from President Dr S Radhakrishnan . The brave men of the Indian armed forces are being recognised for their valour in the war with Pakistan. Risaldar Ayub Khan of the 18th Cavalry, an armoured regiment, is among those decorated with a Vir Chakra that evening for showing exemplary courage in the war. At the investiture ceremony, President Dr S Radhakrishnan, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri and Defence Minister Y B Chavan are present. ji says he never met General Ayub Khan, the president of Pakistan, but India is proud of our own Risaldar Ayub Khan, who along with his men destroyed four Pakistani Patton tanks and captured one tank in the Sialkot sector of Jammu-Kashmir. the prime minister's praise for Ayub Khan is greeted with thunderous applause. After the investiture ceremony, Shastriji hugs Risaldar Ayub Khan. From then, the soldier is called 'Indian Ayub' by the media. "After the war, it was the most historic moment for me and my family," says the 82-year-old soldier who was promoted to honorary captain and now lives with his family in the Nuah village of Rajasthan. "My father Imam Ali Khan, who also served the 18th Cavalry as regimental dafedar major where I also served, was very happy to see my decoration. We come from a family of Kayamkhani Muslim soldiers. My entire family served the army." Nuah is located about 153 kilometres from Jaipur in Rajasthan's Jhunjhunu district. It has a population of 5,000, a majority of whom are Muslims. Most either serve in the army or in the police. Captain Ayub Khan is a well-known name in Jhunjhunu district, which sends two, three people from each house to the army. More than 3,000 soldiers from the district died in World War II. The war hero was twice elected to the Lok Sabha and served as Union minister of state for agriculture in the P V Narasimha Rao government. His ancestral village home has been the family's house for several centuries. The kutcha house was recently replaced by one made of concrete. The house is sparse. Visitors sit on cots in a small room which serves as a drawing room, which has a large laminated photograph of the captain being awarded the Vir Chakra. "In the Kayamkhani Muslims when a child is born, a sword is kept besides him. The sword is symbolic and a reminder that he has to be a soldier and should be ready to sacrifice his life for his masters," says Captain Ayub. "In our case, the armed forces were our masters and I was told by my father and grandfather to fight for the country. India is our motherland." The war hero returned from New Delhi after attending Shauryanjali, the exhibition showcasing the major battle scenes of the 1965 War. "I was an honorary captain and retired as a junior commissioned officer. I felt a little embarrassed when a brigadier rank officer opened the door of my car when I had gone to attend the function wearing the Vir Chakra and other medals on my chest. The army gave me honour and this honour came because I was a decorated soldier." He says he gets three kinds of pension: One as a retired soldier, the other as a Vir Chakra awardee and the third as a former member of the Lok Sabha. The Rajasthan government gave him 25 bighas of land for his Vir Chakra. "I was offered a house in Jaipur and Jhunjhunu as a member of the Lok Sabha, but I refused. I am happy in my small village house," he says. Captain Ayub joined the army in 1950 when he was just 17. Recruited in Ahmednagar, he was declared the best cadet during his training as a sepoy. The Indian invasion of Pakistan in the Sialkot sector began on the night of September 7/8, 1965 and the 26th Infantry Division was ordered to capture Sialkot. The 18th Cavalry's Bravo squadron was led by Risaldar Ayub Khan and was ordered to clear the Sialkot road from Pakistan's occupancy. "We had old Sherman tanks. The Pattons were equipped with anti-aircraft guns, which meant that an air attack from our side was not possible," he remembers. "We opened fire on the Patton. The Pakistan army had the best equipment, but it was manned by poor soldiers who had no courage to fight." "We were sitting duck targets for the enemy, but were just too quick for him. Our troops destroyed four tanks. Many Pakistani tanks were damaged." Captain Ayub and his men then faced an air attack by four Pakistan fighter jets in formation. A shell fell near him, but he escaped unhurt. After losing four tanks, the Pakistani army retreated. The clearing of the Jammu-Sialkot road led the Indian Army to the mouth of Sialkot which was barely five kilometres away. "Just a day before the ceasefire, the Pakistanis made a tremendous effort to recapture the Alhar railway station, but in vain. Even after the ceasefire, they tried to bring a railway bogey full of armed men in civilian clothes. But on being threatened by our commander that the so-called train would be blow up by dynamite, the engine had to be shunted back for over ten miles," recalls the captain. When the ceasefire was announced India controlled over 90 Pakistani villages, three vital traffic links and an important railway station. A most conservative estimate of enemy tank losses pits the figure around 240 Pakistani tanks. Some of these tanks are on display in many parts of the country. India lost less than 50 tanks. In 1983, Ayub Khan retired from the army and was given the rank of honorary captain. When he returned home, he was received as a hero by the villagers of Nuah. Rajiv Gandhi was the prime minister and on his personal initiative, the Congress party gave Captain Ayub Khan a ticket to contest the Lok Sabha election from Jhunjhunu. For Captain Ayub, politics was a different ball game. He chose to wear a white kurta-pyjama and sported the black army cap of the 18th Cavalry minus the crest. He fought the election like a true soldier and became an MP. It was the first time that a Muslim from Rajasthan was elected to the Lok Sabha. Captain Ayub won two consecutive elections. "When I became a Union minister, a number of generals used to come and meet me and salute me. I often found it very embarrassing as I was a mere jawan in the army," he says. "As a Union minister for agriculture, I stressed on higher agriculture production and did a lot for the farmers with negligible irrigation facilities. I opened 19 Krishi Vigyan Kendras in the country." Now 82, Captain Ayub stays at home and enjoys family life. He is no longer active in politics and says he dislikes the politics of caste and found himself to be a political misfit. Happy that the Modi government has agreed to grant one rank one pension, he feels the government must do something to attract bright young people to serve the armed forces

I LOVE THE INDIAN ARMY BUT TIME TO LEAVE NOW -LONG BUT WORTH READING

Well expressed and worth a read. I regret NOT being aware of the author. Here is an article written from the heart of a soldier. I wish that each of our citizens and more so men in positions of power - whether politicians, bureaucrats , media mughals and other opinion leaders (hell of a phrase!) - get to read this. And, more importantly, act proactively for the sake of our nation. Love the Indian Army – but I must leave Now! I stumbled into the Indian Army in the late seventies. The School which admitted us mid-session, when we returned from Singapore, where my father had a brief teaching stint at the Singapore University, was The Army Public School, Dhaula Kuan. With teenage sons of Army officers as friends, it was natural to apply to join the National Defence Academy. A friend filled my form and even paid the application fee. I wasn’t serious at all of pursuing a career in the military – much like Hrithik Roshan in Lakshya. I saw a movie with my friends, after each of the four NDA entrance papers, and argued with my father when he questioned me on my lack of commitment to the exam. Surprisingly, I qualified on the Service Selection Board standing 19th in the Army all India merit list. I then chose to join the National Defence Academy, as a career was assured at such an early age. Astonishingly, within a few days of joining the NDA, at pristine Khadakwasala, I began my life long affection and admiration for the Indian Army. The NDA was awesome and I took to it as if the place was always meant for me. It was, and probably still is, a remarkable institution where everything works like clockwork, and boys transform into enthusiastic, self confident young men with fire in their belly and an idealistic vision to contribute meaningfully to the security challenges that India would face in the future. Three years later at the Indian Military Academy in Dehra Dun, I learnt that toughness and fitness was not just about well developed physical abilities, but also as much about mental strength, and that the IMA motto of ‘Service before Self’ was not some Gandhian mumbo-jumbo, but the very edifice of life in uniform as an officer. The many years in my Infantry battalion were even more memorable. Not a day was spent as “work”. Every day was enjoyable with a huge family of 800 men; the love, respect and camaraderie was astonishing especially in this day and age. A life of great honesty of purpose; lived simply and with great pride, respect and honour. I had a tour of duty in Kashmir in every rank I have held. As a Lieutenant in Baramulla before the militancy, as a Captain in the Siachen Glacier at 20,000 feet, as a Major and company commander in Kupwara fighting terrorists, and as Lt Col as second-in-command of my unit in Badgam in a counter insurgency deployment on the outskirts of the Srinagar airport. Finally as a Colonel and Battalion commander, I had three different innings in the Kashmir Valley, first as part of the offensive plans during OP PARAKRAM in 2001, then fighting militants in Anantnag during the 2002 Amarnath Yatra and during the state elections, and finally on the Line of Control in high altitude in the majestic Gurez Valley. Interspersed between these challenging times was an opportunity to serve with the United Nations in Iraq-Kuwait as a Military Observer where I saw closely officers from 34 different nations from around the globe and learnt from them about their militaries and the relationship between the State and the soldier in other countries. I also had instructional assignments at the Indian Military Academy, Dehra Dun and at the Infantry School teaching young infantry officers. I then had an enriching year at the Army War College at Mhow during the Higher Command course in 2004-5, learning the art of higher command in the military and traveling to every corner of the country, expanding knowledge, visiting not just our various military headquarters, but also the citadels of economic power of our nation. After the one year sabbatical at Mhow, I moved, in Apr 2005 to a dream job, to the seat of power of the Army in Delhi – the Army Headquarters with an office in South Block and an appointment in the personnel Branch of the Army dealing with postings and promotions of officers of our Army. After three years at Delhi, a Brigadiers rank was round the corner in mid 2008. The sixth Pay commission too was promising salaries to meet with the aspirations of soldiers and government officials who had been made to feel like poor cousins to their corporate friends in the galloping India of the 21st century. Inspite of sucha bright future, I felt I must I leave the Indian Army. The three years in the nation’s capital left me with a strange emptiness which refused to go away. All the years, I felt that the many years I spent away from my immediate family, in remote corners of India, were for a cause which was noble and worthwhile. I always felt huge pride for my soldiers and brother officers. I felt there is a grateful nation behind all of us stationed so far away, battling the vagaries of weather and the uncertainty of life. I remember in SIACHEN, in 1988, just before we started our deployment on the main Glacier, the shy 17 year old soldier, no more than a kid, who met me, then the Adjutant, and requested me to be posted to the transport platoon after this tenure, as he was very fond of motor vehicles. Four days later, he was violently taken ill at KUMAR our Headquarters at 16000 feet. We tended to him the whole night, as the helicopter could come to rescue him away only in the morning. Sadly, the High Altitude Pulmonary Odema which afflicted him was faster. He was dead before the copter arrived at the crack of dawn. It was a sad loss so soon after our induction on to the Glacier, but we took it on our chin as the accepted dangers of a soldier’s life. We shed not a tear, and proceeded to do our duty for the next six months, battling the odds and the enemy, in incredibly difficult conditions. I recall when a soldier, who had slipped and fallen towards the enemy side was rescued at Bana top, at 20,000 feet by a brave and courageous officer who went across single handedly at grave risk to his life, to get him back. The soldier spent four hours exposed to temperatures of below minus 40 degrees C, (later both his arms were amputated). When I met him in thehospital a month later he said he knew that his company commander would come to rescue him. It taught me a lesson in trust, faith, camaraderie and leadership which I shall never forget for the rest of my life. I also recall the young soldier who bravely jumped into a building, unrelentingly chasing three dreaded terrorists who had hidden there. We were on the outskirts of Srinagar airfield and fighting a fierce gun battle through the cold winter night in Dec 2000. He killed two of them but in the process was hit by a bullet through the head. He died in my arms. What was even more poignant was the gesture by his father when we honoured him on our battalions Raising day, the following year. In an age where money means everything, the old man broken by his young son’s loss, refused the money we as a unit of 800 had collected as a gesture of our sympathy and concern. He said he had no need for the money and the unit could put it to better use by honouring his brave son in any appropriate way. What I observed over these three years at Delhi, unfortunately have been a sad revelation of the nature of the relationship between the Indian soldier, the State and the people of India.Like RK Laxmans common man, I have observed silently the ignorance and apathy of the establishment towards all issues military. As our expectations from our cricket team, we expect the very best from our military in critical moments of our history, like the 71 War or the Kargil conflict. If we were to build our home, we shall obviously get the best builders and architects we can afford, if our mother was taken ill, we would look for the very best hospital and doctor that we can afford. The critical question is; do we do enough as a nation to ensure that we have the best military India can afford? Are we as a nation doing enough to ensure that we have the best men and systems in place to guard our sovereignty and security interests? Do we do enough to recruit and retain the brightest men and do we have the structures in place to meet the security challenges within and across our borders in the coming years? For a start, the inability to put in place an integrated Chief of Defence Staff is the foremost of our weaknesses and is symptomatic of the apathy and ignorance of military matters in modern India. It is often dismissed as a peripheral issue, one that can wait till the services themselves resolve it. The hard truth is that without true integration of the Army, the Air Force and the Navy, a modern military will be grossly inept and incapable of prosecuting a modern day war. To use the cricketing analogy a bit further, the Kargil war was T 20 cricket and can hide a few fatal flaws, but a full scale war will be like a Test match, only synergy; balance, close integration and team spirit will ensure success. You cannot blame the Defence Secretary or the civilian staff in the Ministry of Defence for the lack of awareness of these issues – very often the Defence Secretary would not have a days experience in the ministry till he joins as the head of the Ministry of Defence. He may have arrived from the commerce, railways or whichever ministry, the senior most bureaucrat is available at that time. The Defence Minister too often has no experience on defence matters till he becomes the Defence Minister. It is like appointing a CEO in a telecom company who had spent all his life in the cement industry! We cannot quite expect them to understand the vital need for integration of the Services. As a comparison to our system, the United States has a long tradition of appointing secretaries of Defence and Presidents who have spent years soldiering or they choose from retired Generals with vision and an impeccable record of service for these assignments. In fact, even in India it would be inconceivable for the Foreign Secretary to be appointed from amongst the bureaucrats in say the coal ministry, so this assumption that the defence ministry can be managed by amateurs is an insult and an affront to the security needs of India. To cite another example, we have no clearly enunciated and documented national counter-terrorism policy. In a nation where the threat of terrorism looms larger with every passing day, it is a matter of shame that we haven’t formulated one yet. With the best minds in the Army, with years of experience in counter terrorism retiring every year, it is a pity we have failed to capitalize on their experience and set out a clearly laid out document. The alarming growth of the Maoists in the Red Corridor, will test the ability of the Indian state to respond to this challenge in the coming years. Policing being a State subject and internal threats being the concerns of the Home Ministry, there is an urgent need to look at counter terrorism holistically outside the confines of individual perceptions of States and various ministries. We must radically alter the narrow confines of each ministry when we define the policy for internal threats. There is apparently a visible lack of statesmanship and professionalism on any macro issue concerning national security. An oblique pointer to India’s concerns on national security and how embedded the military leader is in the psyche of the educated Indian is the representation at various Leadership summits and Conclaves. The ‘who is who’ of India and other countries are invariable present. There will be national political figures, corporate leaders, media barons, and of course movie moughals. So while we have the likes of Aiswarya Rai and Sharukh Khan telling us their take on leadership – the practicing military leader, whether a senior General or the young Major who is an Ashok Chakra winner –shining examples of leadership in its many hues – are conspicuous by their absence. From our fiercely independent and vibrant media, one would have expected greater maturity in their coverage of security affairs. It is revealing that a study in the USA suggests that the gradual erosion of coverage of international issues by their media networks was possibly a reason for their flawed international security interventions as the American public was not capable or knowledgeable enough to question their leadership. The Indian media must ask itself – do they exhibit enough concern on the larger dimensions of national security and do they have enough knowledge of military affairs to fulfill their role as the watchdogs of the nation? Will the increasing trivialization and localization of news affect our security? There are many concerns that we must address as a military, as a society and as a nation. There are individual and collective responsibilities that we must fulfill. Will India and Indians meet the challenge of the future? Time, and the collective will of the nation, will tell. NOW THAT IS THE TRUTH ... WHAT CAN WE DO FOR OUR SAFETY AND SECURITY, IF NOT TO BE GRATEFUL FOR THE SOLDIER WHO IS PUTTING HIS LIFE ON THE BLOCK FOR US I had a tour of duty in Kashmir in every rank I have held. As a Lieutenant in Baramulla before the militancy, as a Captain in the Siachen Glacier at 20,000 feet, as a Major and company commander in Kupwara fighting terrorists, and as Lt Col as second-in-command of my unit in Badgam in a counter insurgency deployment on the outskirts of the Srinagar airport. Finally as a Colonel and Battalion commander, I had three different innings in the Kashmir Valley, first as part of the offensive plans during OP PARAKRAM in 2001, then fighting militants in Anantnag during the 2002 Amarnath Yatra and during the state elections, and finally on the Line of Control in high altitude in the majestic Gurez Valley. Interspersed between these challenging times was an opportunity to serve with the United Nations in Iraq-Kuwait as a Military Observer where I saw closely officers from 34 different nations from around the globe and learnt from them about their militaries and the relationship between the State and the soldier in other countries. I also had instructional assignments at the Indian Military Academy, Dehra Dun and at the Infantry School teaching young infantry officers. I then had an enriching year at the Army War College at Mhow during the Higher Command course in 2004-5, learning the art of higher command in the military and traveling to every corner of the country, expanding knowledge, visiting not just our various military headquarters, but also the citadels of economic power of our nation. After the one year sabbatical at Mhow, I moved, in Apr 2005 to a dream job, to the seat of power of the Army in Delhi – the Army Headquarters with an office in South Block and an appointment in the personnel Branch of the Army dealing with postings and promotions of officers of our Army. After three years at Delhi, a Brigadiers rank was round the corner in mid 2008. The sixth Pay commission too was promising salaries to meet with the aspirations of soldiers and government officials who had been made to feel like poor cousins to their corporate friends in the galloping India of the 21st century. Inspite of sucha bright future, I felt I must I leave the Indian Army. The three years in the nation’s capital left me with a strange emptiness which refused to go away. All the years, I felt that the many years I spent away from my immediate family, in remote corners of India, were for a cause which was noble and worthwhile. I always felt huge pride for my soldiers and brother officers. I felt there is a grateful nation behind all of us stationed so far away, battling the vagaries of weather and the uncertainty of life. I remember in SIACHEN, in 1988, just before we started our deployment on the main Glacier, the shy 17 year old soldier, no more than a kid, who met me, then the Adjutant, and requested me to be posted to the transport platoon after this tenure, as he was very fond of motor vehicles. Four days later, he was violently taken ill at KUMAR our Headquarters at 16000 feet. We tended to him the whole night, as the helicopter could come to rescue him away only in the morning. Sadly, the High Altitude Pulmonary Odema which afflicted him was faster. He was dead before the copter arrived at the crack of dawn. It was a sad loss so soon after our induction on to the Glacier, but we took it on our chin as the accepted dangers of a soldier’s life. We shed not a tear, and proceeded to do our duty for the next six months, battling the odds and the enemy, in incredibly difficult conditions. I recall when a soldier, who had slipped and fallen towards the enemy side was rescued at Bana top, at 20,000 feet by a brave and courageous officer who went across single handedly at grave risk to his life, to get him back. The soldier spent four hours exposed to temperatures of below minus 40 degrees C, (later both his arms were amputated). When I met him in thehospital a month later he said he knew that his company commander would come to rescue him. It taught me a lesson in trust, faith, camaraderie and leadership which I shall never forget for the rest of my life. I also recall the young soldier who bravely jumped into a building, unrelentingly chasing three dreaded terrorists who had hidden there. We were on the outskirts of Srinagar airfield and fighting a fierce gun battle through the cold winter night in Dec 2000. He killed two of them but in the process was hit by a bullet through the head. He died in my arms. What was even more poignant was the gesture by his father when we honoured him on our battalions Raising day, the following year. In an age where money means everything, the old man broken by his young son’s loss, refused the money we as a unit of 800 had collected as a gesture of our sympathy and concern. He said he had no need for the money and the unit could put it to better use by honouring his brave son in any appropriate way. What I observed over these three years at Delhi, unfortunately have been a sad revelation of the nature of the relationship between the Indian soldier, the State and the people of India.Like RK Laxmans common man, I have observed silently the ignorance and apathy of the establishment towards all issues military. As our expectations from our cricket team, we expect the very best from our military in critical moments of our history, like the 71 War or the Kargil conflict. If we were to build our home, we shall obviously get the best builders and architects we can afford, if our mother was taken ill, we would look for the very best hospital and doctor that we can afford. The critical question is; do we do enough as a nation to ensure that we have the best military India can afford? Are we as a nation doing enough to ensure that we have the best men and systems in place to guard our sovereignty and security interests? Do we do enough to recruit and retain the brightest men and do we have the structures in place to meet the security challenges within and across our borders in the coming years? For a start, the inability to put in place an integrated Chief of Defence Staff is the foremost of our weaknesses and is symptomatic of the apathy and ignorance of military matters in modern India. It is often dismissed as a peripheral issue, one that can wait till the services themselves resolve it. The hard truth is that without true integration of the Army, the Air Force and the Navy, a modern military will be grossly inept and incapable of prosecuting a modern day war. To use the cricketing analogy a bit further, the Kargil war was T 20 cricket and can hide a few fatal flaws, but a full scale war will be like a Test match, only synergy; balance, close integration and team spirit will ensure success. You cannot blame the Defence Secretary or the civilian staff in the Ministry of Defence for the lack of awareness of these issues – very often the Defence Secretary would not have a days experience in the ministry till he joins as the head of the Ministry of Defence. He may have arrived from the commerce, railways or whichever ministry, the senior most bureaucrat is available at that time. The Defence Minister too often has no experience on defence matters till he becomes the Defence Minister. It is like appointing a CEO in a telecom company who had spent all his life in the cement industry! We cannot quite expect them to understand the vital need for integration of the Services. As a comparison to our system, the United States has a long tradition of appointing secretaries of Defence and Presidents who have spent years soldiering or they choose from retired Generals with vision and an impeccable record of service for these assignments. In fact, even in India it would be inconceivable for the Foreign Secretary to be appointed from amongst the bureaucrats in say the coal ministry, so this assumption that the defence ministry can be managed by amateurs is an insult and an affront to the security needs of India. To cite another example, we have no clearly enunciated and documented national counter-terrorism policy. In a nation where the threat of terrorism looms larger with every passing day, it is a matter of shame that we haven’t formulated one yet. With the best minds in the Army, with years of experience in counter terrorism retiring every year, it is a pity we have failed to capitalize on their experience and set out a clearly laid out document. The alarming growth of the Maoists in the Red Corridor, will test the ability of the Indian state to respond to this challenge in the coming years. Policing being a State subject and internal threats being the concerns of the Home Ministry, there is an urgent need to look at counter terrorism holistically outside the confines of individual perceptions of States and various ministries. We must radically alter the narrow confines of each ministry when we define the policy for internal threats. There is apparently a visible lack of statesmanship and professionalism on any macro issue concerning national security. An oblique pointer to India’s concerns on national security and how embedded the military leader is in the psyche of the educated Indian is the representation at various Leadership summits and Conclaves. The ‘who is who’ of India and other countries are invariable present. There will be national political figures, corporate leaders, media barons, and of course movie moughals. So while we have the likes of Aiswarya Rai and Sharukh Khan telling us their take on leadership – the practicing military leader, whether a senior General or the young Major who is an Ashok Chakra winner –shining examples of leadership in its many hues – are conspicuous by their absence. From our fiercely independent and vibrant media, one would have expected greater maturity in their coverage of security affairs. It is revealing that a study in the USA suggests that the gradual erosion of coverage of international issues by their media networks was possibly a reason for their flawed international security interventions as the American public was not capable or knowledgeable enough to question their leadership. The Indian media must ask itself – do they exhibit enough concern on the larger dimensions of national security and do they have enough knowledge of military affairs to fulfill their role as the watchdogs of the nation? Will the increasing trivialization and localization of news affect our security? There are many concerns that we must address as a military, as a society and as a nation. There are individual and collective responsibilities that we must fulfill. Will India and Indians meet the challenge of the future? Time, and the collective will of the nation, will tell. NOW THAT IS THE TRUTH ... WHAT CAN WE DO FOR OUR SAFETY AND SECURITY, IF NOT TO BE GRATEFUL FOR THE SOLDIER WHO IS PUTTING HIS LIFE ON THE BLOCK FOR US

PREPARE YOURSELF FOR A REVOLUTION ​ ​ IN FINANCIAL MARKET

PREPARE YOURSELF FOR A REVOLUTION ​ ​ IN FINANCIAL MARKET ​ ​ WHICH NEVER HAPPENED IN THE HISTORY OF MANKIND Recently, Mr. Nandan Nilkeni, a founder team member of Infosys and generator of the concept of Aadhar made one presentation of the impact this Aadhar linked cell phone will create and revolutionize the market in general and finance market in particular in India / world is a worth watching clip. I think the presentation of those 30 minutes will make you spell bound and speechless. How the technology is going to change the way we live in this world since the decades.... Major highlights of the presentation are as under. 1. There will be a massive disruption in financial services on back of technology revolution. 2. The telecom revolution has changed the desktop based environment to mobile interned based environment. 3. “WhatsApp movement” is the concept to understand this revolution because today 30 billion messages in a day are passed through WhatsApp in the world surpassing the SMS by large margin. This WhatsApp movement like revolution is going to take place in the world of finance making the concept of traditional banking and lending to go away. 4. We are moving from cash based society to cashless and digital society very very fast. Today India has more 900 million mobile users (More than 90 crores) which is a record in itself. The Aadhar when linked with the mobile set with IRIS authentication on will change the world we live in. 5. Today electronic clearing service NEFT-RTGS and IMPS have overtaken traditional payment system. With these 900 million mobile users, a mega trend is underway, which we are unable to apprehend. To put it in simple words, every mobile user will be an ATM. 6. When IRIS authentication (Biometric authentication linked with Aadhar server) will be on, the 900 million mobile users will be able to have online kyc, online authentication, online payment and online receipt on the basis of Unified Payment Interface (UPI). Smart phone will replace all type of debit and credit cards and Paytm like system will be fully operational. Physical cash to digital cash and digital cash to physical cash convertibility will be a game changer. Digital wallet and digital locker will revolutionize the security system. Enabling pear to pear payment system will do away many intermediaries and will be re imagining the infrastructure we have at present. 7. The whole process will lead to explosion of innovation, death of many businesses and birth of new ventures and business. India will become data scare to data rich country in five years in both, on consumer and business side. Credit process and credit appraisal will become obsolete and online loan payment will become possible. Think of 900 million people coming on one platform and remain connected!!! Almost all functions of the bank, government and taxation department will be done by Aadhar linked phones. This is even more important in the sense that IRIS authentication on cell phone is available only in India, no one has this system in the world!!! 8. Friends, this is not far away because the IRIS authentication on cell phone is practically started and will become a mass reality soon. So prepare yourself to live in the digitalized India with absolute transparency, no paper work, no bureaucratic intervention, no tax terrorism and much much more. If you want to watch the presentation by Mr. Nandan Nilkeni kindly go to the following link https://t.co/Y3VBCCHCyG and get the digital experience